scholarly journals Le Mai 68 littéraire de François Maspero

2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julien Lefort-Favreau

Si l’importance des éditions François Maspero dans les champs politique et intellectuel a été bien démontrée par de nombreux travaux récents, son apport aux mutations survenues dans les politiques de la littérature autour de Mai 68 mérite d’être mis en lumière. Nous soumettons l’hypothèse que l’action de François Maspero en amont et en aval de 68 participe à une politisation du champ littéraire par l’articulation complexe entre théorie politique et création littéraire que l’on peut observer dans l’ensemble de son catalogue. Nous nous intéressons ici à quatre acceptions de la littérature qui circulent chez Maspero et qui incarnent les différentes facettes d’une inscription conflictuelle de la littérature dans l’espace social représentative de 68. Nous portons d’abord notre attention sur les préfaces que signe Jean-Paul Sartre de deux livres publiés par Maspero : Aden Arabie de Paul Nizan et Les damnés de la terre de Frantz Fanon. Nous analysons ensuite une série d’articles de Georges Perec qui paraît au début des années 1960 dans la revue Partisans. La troisième acception que nous observons est perceptible dans les collections consacrées à la création littéraire chez Maspero, notamment à la poésie en traduction. Finalement, notre analyse porte sur la collection « Théorie » dirigée par Louis Althusser et la réflexion qu’elle déploie sur les tensions entre art et idéologie. L’examen de ces quatre déclinaisons du littéraire montre que Maspero constitue le lieu privilégié d’une prise en charge de paroles subalternes provenant du Tiers-Monde, d’une critique virulente des prescriptions esthétiques du PCF et d’un éloignement des principes de la littérature engagée. Il annonce donc des transformations importantes de 1968 et les pérennise au fil des années 1970.

2021 ◽  
pp. 019145372110175
Author(s):  
Betty Jean Stoneman

Jean-Paul Sartre’s failures in Black Orpheus have been widely and rightly explicated by a number of theorists, most notably Frantz Fanon and Aimé Césaire. Sartre has rightly been criticized for imposing a white gaze onto his reading of colonized African poetry. It would seem that his work offers us no tools for anti-racist work today. For this article, I read his failures in the text alongside his work in The Imaginary and Being and Nothingness to argue that we can learn from his failures and that his failures do offer us conceptual tools for anti-racist work today. I argue that Sartre’s main contribution ought to be understood as a provocation to white people. He is provoking white people to confront how whiteness works in their imaginary. The imaginary is nothing but what one puts into it, and what one puts into it is imbued with the historical, social and cultural. The image is imbued with the individual’s experiences within a historical, social and cultural situation. If this is the case, then the confrontation with and critique of the image is a political act. In confronting and critiquing the image, one is confronting and critiquing the situation in which the image emerges. The hope is that in doing so, white people could transcend the facticity of their whiteness in particular situations for the better, which in turn would have positive consequences for the larger sociopolitical situation.


Author(s):  
Michael A. Peters ◽  
Marek Tesar ◽  
Kirsten Locke

Michel Foucault was born in Poitiers in 1926 and died of AIDS in 1984 at the age of 57. In his short life span Foucault became an emblem for a generation of intellectuals: someone who embodied in his work the most-pressing intellectual issues of his time. In his inaugural lecture at the Collège de France, he named as his closest supports and models Georges Dumèzil, Georges Canguilhem (the philosopher of biology who succeeded Gaston Bachelard at the Sorbonne), and Jean Hyppolite. He was a student both of Louis Althusser and Maurice Merleau-Ponty. He grew up in the tradition of a history of philosophy that dominated the French university, a history that gave pride of place to Hegel and helped to legitimate the contemporaneous emphases on phenomenology and existentialism, especially as it developed in the thought of Jean-Paul Sartre. He was classified by the popular press as a member of the structuralist Gang of Four, along with Claude Lévi-Strauss, Jacques Lacan, and Roland Barthes. Foucault in 1964 indicated his intellectual debts in an early essay titled “Nietzsche, Freud, Marx,” yet his relationship to Marx and Marxism was more complex and problematic than his engagement with Nietzsche, whose Genealogy of Morals (originally published in 1887) provided a model for historical study. He came to Nietzsche through the writings of Georges Bataille and Maurice Blanchot, both of whom exercised tremendous influence on his work. Yet, it was Nietzsche and Martin Heidegger who helped Foucault to frame up his life’s work as the history by which human beings become subjects and to change the emphasis of his early work from political subjugation of “docile bodies” to individuals as self-determining beings continually in the process of constituting themselves as ethical subjects. In this article we focus on internationally published English editions to avoid confusion and to provide readers a balanced overview of top-quality sources currently available.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-3
Author(s):  
Jernej Habjan

Conceived 51 years after the global workers’ and student revolt of May 1968, this Focus will break down the theoretical and literary legacy of May into three intervals of 17 years. In 1985, 17 years after 1968, Luc Ferry and Alain Renaut published a book, La pensée 68, in which they canonized the view that the theoretical underpinning of May ’68 was provided by French structuralist thinkers, notably Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida, Pierre Bourdieu and Jacques Lacan (see Ferry and Renaut 1985; for the English translation, see Ferry and Renaut 1990). Seventeen years later, in 2002, Kristin Ross’s book May ’68 and its Afterlives effectively replaced this canonical image with the notion that French structuralists were all either completely absent or showed at least great reserve during the events of May and that, moreover, the closest theoretical allies of the protesters and strikers were in fact the main philosophical targets of structuralist anti-humanists, namely Jean-Paul Sartre and Herbert Marcuse with their schools of humanist Marxism (see Ross 2002). Seventeen years after Ross’s seminal book, it may be time to negate both the thesis from 1985 and Ross’s antithesis from 2002, and ask the following simple question: why, despite the massive presence of Sartre and Marcuse, and the equally massive absence of Foucault, Derrida, Bourdieu and Lacan, but also Gilles Deleuze and Louis Althusser, has the memory politics of May ’68 during the past half-century included the canonization of structuralism and post-structuralism at the expense of none other than humanism, be it Marxist or non-Marxist?


Author(s):  
Siavash Bakhtiar

This essay aims at proposing a study of Ralph Ellison’s novel Invisible Man (1952), where the author focuses on the difficult journey of black intellectuals in quest for a strong black identity in post-war America. The theoretical reflection in this paper is based, in a first phase, on the philosophical and political perspectives of thinkers such as Jean-Paul Sartre, Maurice Merleau-Ponty and Frantz Fanon, whose works and debates have articulated an important source to understand the quest of subjectivity and intellectual consciousness in the 1950s, a period marked not only by the emergence of civil rights movement and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, but also the progressive replacement of Communism by alternative emancipatory currents such as existentialism, postcolonialism and (post-) structuralism. From this discussion, the essay indicates, how (post-) Marxist thinkers, like Etienne Balibar, investigate the limits of the a priori paradigms promoted by the traditional humanistic (natural law-positive law) and communist narratives (alienation-emancipation), which lack conceptual and historical efficacy when it comes to understand and respond to new (bio-capitalist) forms of discrimination, which constantly evolve according to the epoch and the place.


2011 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-81
Author(s):  
Sonia Dayan-Herzbrun

Un texte n’existe que dans la mesure où il est lu et ses différentes lectures contribuent à en montrer la richesse et l’intérêt. En France on a longtemps lu et on continue encore à lire Fanon, en particulier Les damnés de la terre, à la lumière de la préface que Sartre avait rédigée, à la demande de Fanon lui-même, après une rencontre et d’intenses discussions entre les deux hommes au printemps 1961 à Rome. Le premier chapitre des Damnés de la terre, intitulé “De la violence” avait été publié séparément dans les Temps Modernes, la revue dirigée par Jean-Paul Sartre, comme s’il s’agissait là de l’essentiel de ce livre. Il y a eu depuis beaucoup d’autres lectures de l’œuvre de Fanon, et en particulier de ce livre difficile et complexe. Je voudrais m’attacher, dans les pages qui vont suivre, à la lecture faite par Edward Said des textes de Fanon tout au long de sa carrière, à partir du moment, où, à la suite de la guerre de 1967 entre Israël et les pays arabes, et l’occupation de la Cisjordanie et de Gaza, ainsi que l’annexion de la partie Est de Jérusalem, Said va mêler intimement élaboration théorique et agir politique. Il est d’autant plus intéressant, d’un point de vue français, de porter attention à cette lecture, que Fanon aussi bien que Said, sont largement marginalisés dans le champ intellectuel et universitaire. Ils sont l’un et l’autre le symptôme d’une tache aveugle dans la pensée française dominante, peu encline à analyser le phénomène colonial. Il ne s’agit pas seulement des lacunes de l’histoire coloniale, qui commence tout juste à se développer. Le regard porté par Frantz Fanon sur la colonisation française en Algérie est difficilement supportable dans un pays qui se veut la “patrie des droits de l’Homme” et des valeurs universelles, tout comme la mise en évidence du racisme dans la France des années 1950. Ce qui semble encore davantage difficile à admettre, c’est que la domination coloniale puisse concerner aussi les catégories intellectuelles, les productions de l’imaginaire, et la construction des subjectivités. Lors de la parution, en 1980, de la traduction française d’ Orientalism, la levée de boucliers contre l’ouvrage fut telle qu’il fallut attendre vingt-cinq ans pour une nouvelle édition du livre qui était devenu introuvable. Entre temps Edward Said était mort, et sa notoriété internationale telle qu’il était impossible de continuer à faire comme si cet ouvrage avait cessé d’exister. On peut naïvement s’étonner d’une telle réaction, en face d’un livre dans lequel il est largement question d’écrivains et de savants français, et qui surtout a été écrit en partie dans le sillage intellectuel de Michel Foucault. Said avait cependant déjà pris, à cette époque, des distances avec la théorie foucaldienne, en s’appuyant sur d’autres théoriciens, au premier rang desquels Fanon. L’importance qu’il accordait à Fanon était antérieure. En effet, dans Beginnings, son premier ouvrage important de théorie littéraire, qui précédait Orientalism, Said avait déjà situé Fanon parmi ceux qui, avec Freud, Orwell, Lévi-Strauss et Foucault, avaient contribué à la production d’un “langage mental commun.”


Diogène ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 241 (1) ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
William L. Remley ◽  
Nicole G. Albert
Keyword(s):  

2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 109-124
Author(s):  
Nina Power

This article considers transdisciplinarity from the standpoint of reading and readers, rather than as a collection of texts, concepts or proper names. It argues that the humanism and anti-humanism debates of the 1950s and 1960s, particularly understood through the work of Jean-Paul Sartre and Louis Althusser, was above all a debate about the politics of reading. Understanding transdisciplinarity to relate to a projected model of post-disciplinarity, the article suggests that transdisciplinarity needs to supplement its conceptual and political remit with a theory of reading, such that reading across disciplines simultaneously becomes a question of reading beyond disciplinary boundaries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 34 (70) ◽  
pp. 175-191
Author(s):  
Paulo Henrique Fernandes Silveira

O lugar próprio no espaço impróprio: o negro, o judeu e o comum Resumo: No pós-guerra, uma série de intelectuais que residiam na França, alguns deles, como exilados ou expatriados, travaram um intenso debate a respeito das condições do negro e do judeu. Jean-Paul Sartre formulou uma das questões centrais desse debate: haveria uma essência da negritude ou do judaísmo? Para Frantz Fanon, Maurice Blanchot, Jacques Derrida e Edmond Jabès, a negritude e o judaísmo podem ser compreendidos a partir das experiências do exílio e da expatriação. Esse artigo pretende reconstruir esse debate e analisar a importância do não-pertencimento para as concepções de comunidade e comum desenvolvidas por Jean-Luc Nancy, Giorgio Agamben e Jacques Rancière. Palavras-chave: Negro. Judeu. Expatriação. Não-pertencimento. Comum. El lugar propio en el espacio impropio: el negro, el judío y el común Resumen: En la pos-guerra, una serie de intelectuales que vivían en Francia, algunos de ellos, como exilados o expatriados, trabaran un intenso debate a respecto de las condiciones del negro y del judío. Jean-Paul Sartre formuló una de las preguntas centrales de ese debate: ¿habría una esencia da negritud o de judaísmo? Para Frantz Fanon, Maurice Blanchot, Jacques Derrida y Edmond Jabès, la negritud y el judaísmo pueden ser comprendidos a partir de las experiencias de exilio y de la expatriación. Ese artículo pretende reconstruir ese debate y analizar la importancia del no-pertenencia a las conceptos de comunidad y común desarrolladas por Jean-Luc Nancy, Giorgio Agamben y Jacques Rancière. Palabras-clave: Negro. Judío. Expatriación. No-pertenencia. Común. The proper place in the improper space: the black, the jewish and the common Abstract: In the postwar period, a number of intellectuals residing in France, some of them as exiles or expats, the intellectuals engaged in an intense debate about the conditions of the black and the jewish. Jean-Paul Sartre formulated one of the key questions of this debate: Is there an essence of blackness or judaism? For Frantz Fanon, Maurice Blanchot, Jacques Derrida, and Edmond Jabès, blackness and judaism can be understood from the experiences of exile and expatriation. This article aims to reconstruct this debate and analyze the importance of non-belonging to the conceptions of community and common developed by Jean-Luc Nancy, Giorgio Agamben, and Jacques Rancière. Keywords: Black. Jewish. Expatriation. Non-belonging. Common. Data de registro: 11/12/2019 Data de aceite: 26/08/2020


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