scholarly journals Letter Position Dyslexia in Arabic: From Form to Position

2012 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naama Friedmann ◽  
Manar Haddad-Hanna

This study reports the reading of 11 Arabic-speaking individuals with letter position dyslexia (LPD), and the effect of letter form on their reading errors. LPD is a peripheral dyslexia caused by a selective deficit to letter position encoding in the orthographic-visual analyzer, which results in migration of letters within words, primarily of middle letters. The Arabic orthography is especially interesting for the study of LPD because Arabic letters have different forms in different positions in the word. As a result, some letter position errors require letter form change. We compared the rate of letter migrations that change letter form with migrations that do not change letter form in 10 Arabic-speaking individuals with developmental LPD, and one bilingual Arabic and Hebrew-speaking individual with acquired LPD. The results indicated that the participants made 40% letter position errors in migratable words when the resulting word included the letters in the same form, whereas migrations that changed letter form almost never occurred. The error rate of the Arabic-Hebrew bilingual reader was smaller in Arabic than in Hebrew. However, when only words in which migrations do not change letter form were counted, the rate was similar in Arabic and Hebrew. Hence, whereas orthographies with multiple letter forms for each letter might seem more difficult in some respects, these orthographies are in fact easier to read in some forms of dyslexia. Thus, the diagnosis of LPD in Arabic should consider the effect of letter forms on migration errors, and use only migratable words that do not require letter-form change. The theoretical implications for the reading model are that letter form (of the position-dependent type found in Arabic) is part of the information encoded in the abstract letter identity, and thus affects further word recognition processes, and that there might be a pre-lexical graphemic buffer in which the checking of orthographic well-formedness takes place.

2005 ◽  
Vol 16 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 119-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie-Pierre de Partz ◽  
Aliette Lochy ◽  
Agnesa Pillon

In this paper, we report a detailed analysis of the impaired performance of a dysgraphic individual, AD, who produced similar rates of letter-level errors in written spelling, oral spelling, and typing. We found that the distribution of various letter error types displayed a distinct pattern in written spelling on the one hand and in oral spelling and typing on the other. In particular, noncontextual letter substitution errors (i.e., errors in which the erroneous letter that replaces the target letter does not occur elsewhere within the word) were virtually absent in oral spelling and typing and mainly found in written spelling. In contrast, letter deletion errors and multiple-letter errors were typically found in oral spelling and very exceptional in written spelling. Only contextual letter substitution errors (i.e., errors in which the erroneous letter that replaces the target letter is identical to a letter occurring earlier or later in the word) were found in similar proportions in the three tasks. We argue that these contrasting patterns of letter error distribution result from damage to two distinct levels of letter representation and processing within the spelling system, namely, the amodal graphemic representation held in the graphemic buffer and the letter form representation computed by subsequent writing-specific processes. Then, we examined the relationship between error and target in the letter substitution errors produced in written and oral spelling and found evidence that distinct types of letter representation are processed at each of the hypothetized levels of damage: symbolic letter representation at the graphemic level and representation of the component graphic strokes at the letter form processing level.


2005 ◽  
Vol 16 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 145-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naama Friedmann ◽  
Aviah Gvion

Does letter-form constrain errors in peripheral dyslexia? In Hebrew, 5 of the 22 letters have two different letter forms, one is used only when the letter occurs in word-final position, the other form is used in initial and middle positions. Is the information on final-forms encoded in the letter identity information and used for word identification, or is it discarded? The current research explored this question through the effect of final vs. non final letter form on the error pattern in neglect dyslexia (neglexia) and letter position dyslexia (LPD). Left word-based neglexia results in errors of omission, substitution and addition of letters in the left side of words, which in Hebrew is the end of the word. We examined whether final letter form blocks the addition of letters to the end of the word and whether omissions of letters after letters in non-final form are avoided. The predominant error type in LPD is migration of letters within words. We tested whether migrations also occur when they cause form change of either final-form letters that move to middle position or middle-form letters that move to final position. These questions were assessed in both acquired and developmental neglexia and LPD. The results indicated a strong effect of final letter-form on acquired neglexia and on acquired and developmental LPD, which almost completely prevented form-changing errors. This effect was not found in developmental neglexia, where words that end in final-form letters were actually more impaired than other words, probably because final-form letters appear only on the neglected side of the word for Hebrew-reading children with left developmental neglexia. These data show that early visuo-orthographic analysis is sensitive to final letter form and that final letter form constrains errors in peripheral dyslexia.


Cortex ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 46 (8) ◽  
pp. 982-1004 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naama Friedmann ◽  
Dror Dotan ◽  
Einav Rahamim

2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (11) ◽  
pp. 3700-3713
Author(s):  
Saleh Shaalan

Purpose This study examined the performance of Gulf Arabic–speaking children with developmental language disorder (DLD) on a Gulf Arabic nonword repetition (GA-NWR) test and compared it to their age- and language-matched groups. We also investigated the role of syllable length, wordlikeness, and phonological complexity in light of NWR theories. Method A new GA-NWR test was conducted with three groups of Gulf Arabic–speaking children: school-age children with DLD, language-matched controls (LCs), and age-matched controls (ACs). The test consisted of two- and three-syllable words that either had no clusters, medial clusters, final clusters, or medial + final clusters. Results The GA-NWR distinguished between the performance of children with DLD and the LC and AC groups. Results showed significant syllable length, wordlikeness, and phonological complexity effects. Differences between the DLD and typically developing groups were seen in two- and three-syllable nonwords; however, when compared on nonwords with no clusters, children with DLD were not significantly different from the LC group. Conclusions The GA-NWR test differentiated between children with DLD and their ACs and LCs. Findings, therefore, support its clinical utility in this variety of Arabic. Results showed that phonological processing factors, such as phonological complexity, may have stronger effects when compared to syllable length effects. Supplemental Material https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.12996812


1973 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 584-585 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franklin H. Silverman ◽  
Dean E. Williams

This paper describes a dimension of the stuttering problem of elementary-school children—less frequent revision of reading errors than their nonstuttering peers.


2016 ◽  
Vol 42 (12) ◽  
pp. 1989-2002
Author(s):  
Yvette Kezilas ◽  
Saskia Kohnen ◽  
Meredith McKague ◽  
Serje Robidoux ◽  
Anne Castles

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 43-62
Author(s):  
Wisam Kh. Abdul-Jabbar

This study explores Habermas’s work in terms of the relevance of his theory of the public sphere to the politics and poetics of the Arab oral tradition and its pedagogical practices. In what ways and forms does Arab heritage inform a public sphere of resistance or dissent? How does Habermas’s notion of the public space help or hinder a better understanding of the Arab oral tradition within the sociopolitical and educational landscape of the Arabic-speaking world? This study also explores the pedagogical implications of teaching Arab orality within the context of the public sphere as a contested site that informs a mode of resistance against social inequality and sociopolitical exclusions.


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