Memorializing its Hero: Liberal Manchesters Statue of Oliver Cromwell

2012 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve Cunniffe ◽  
Terry Wyke

Oliver Cromwells historical reputation underwent significant change during the nineteenth century. Writers such as Thomas Carlyle were prominent in this reassessment, creating a Cromwell that found particular support among Nonconformists in the north of England. Projects to memorialize Cromwell included the raising of public statues. This article traces the history of the Manchester statue, the first major outdoor statue of Cromwell to be unveiled in the country. The project originated among Manchester radical Liberal Nonconformists in the early 1860s but was not realized until 1875. It was the gift of Elizabeth Heywood; the sculptor was Matthew Noble. The project, including its intended site in Manchesters new Town Hall, was contentious, exposing political and religious divisions within the community, reinforcing the view that the reassessment of Cromwells place in the making of modern Britain was far from settled.

Author(s):  
Federico Varese

From the mid-nineteenth century, many Sicilians, including members of the mafia, were on the move. After sketching the contours of the mafia in Sicily in the nineteenth century, this chapter outlines the parallel history of Italian migration and mafia activities in New York City and Rosario, Argentina, and offers an analytic account of the diverging outcomes. Only in the North American city did a mafia that resembled the Sicilian one emerge. The Prohibition provided an enormous boost to both the personnel and power of Italian organized crime. The risk of punishment was low, the gains to be made were enormous, and there was no social stigma attached to this trade.


2017 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 605-628 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margery Masterson

AbstractThis article takes an unexplored popular debate from the 1860s over the role of dueling in regulating gentlemanly conduct as the starting point to examine the relationship between elite Victorian masculinities and interpersonal violence. In the absence of a meaningful replacement for dueling and other ritualized acts meant to defend personal honor, multiple modes of often conflicting masculinities became available to genteel men in the middle of the nineteenth century. Considering the security fears of the period––European and imperial, real and imagined––the article illustrates how pacific and martial masculine identities coexisted in a shifting and uneasy balance. The professional character of the enlarging gentlemanly classes and the increased importance of men's domestic identities––trends often aligned with hegemonic masculinity––played an ambivalent role in popular attitudes to interpersonal violence. The cultural history of dueling can thus inform a multifaceted approach toward gender, class, and violence in modern Britain.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 55-65
Author(s):  
M R Hasanov

The Article examines the preconditions of the struggle of the mountaineers Sevres-Eastern Caucasus in the 20-50-ies of the XIX century On the basis of analysis of sources and existing literature reveals the principal causes of the struggle of the mountaineers against the colonial policy of tsarism and the local rulers. It stresses that the dissatisfaction of the highlanders was caused by construction on arable land fortresses, device the so-called fortified lines with the Cossack settlements, permanent mobilization of the local population to build roads, fortresses, requirements, burdensome taxes and the heavy duties and activities assigned to mountain communities and possession of the king's officers and the commandant of managers to intervene in the internal life of the highlanders. The article talks about the brutal repression used by the Royal officials in relation to the unhappy mountaineers - the burning of entire villages, destruction of crops and grain reserves, the destruction of the gardens - all this aroused the indignation of the mountaineers and led to the struggle against tsarist oppression and local feudal lords. The article is subjected to criticism the concept of M. M. Bliev, if the mountaineers lived by raids on their neighbors. His thesis is that in the first half of the nineteenth century the mountaineers have experienced a period of expansion of tribal relations, not only clarifies the issue of their struggle in the 20-50 years of the XIX century, but also confuses the history of the peoples of the region. The publication highlights how local authorities based on the Royal arms, brutally oppressed rank and file of the highlanders, were taken from their last horse or bull, the last under the grain in the tax bill. The article presents material about the ill-treatment of Aslan-Khan Kyurinsky and the other lords with their subordinates. The feudal lords levied a population with taxes and duties at its discretion, enriched by direct robbery. Therefore, according to the article, the idea of anti-colonial protest in the minds of the highlanders were merged with the anti-feudal aspirations.


Author(s):  
Bohdan Tykhyi

The article is devoted to the history of the monastery of the Order of Bernardines in Berezhany in Ternopil region. The analysis of the architectural features of the complex is main purpose of the work. The monastery is located in the northwest corner of the city. The territory of the was surrounded by defensive bastion fortifications. The monastery fortifications were a part of the city defensive lines. The mountain, on which the monastery located, is called - "St. Nicholas Mountain". On the place of the present monastery was a boyar's manor in the XIV century, and then the orthodox church of St. Nicholas.The construction of a defensive complex of monastic buildings began in 1630. The Bernardine complex includes - the Catholic Church of St. Nicholas, the house of the monastery cells, defensive walls and ramparts. The complex occupied the highest position in the north-western wing of the city's defense system. It was an important strategic point that controlled the Lviv-Berezhany road. The construction of all the objects of the monastery lasted 112 years until 1742.In 1809–1812, the Austrian authorities liquidated the city's powerful defenses. In particular, the ramparts and bastions that were on the territory of the monastery were eliminated. Today there is only a fragment of a defensive wall and a moat on the southern slope of the mountain, which separated the territory of the monastery from the urban areas of the New Town. The fortifications of the monastery are shown on the map of 1720 by Major Johann von Fürstenhof. The bastion belt of the monastery had underground structures. In 2010, murals were found in the interior of the church. According to the author, the carved stone decoration of the church (columns, capitals) was made by the sculptor Johann Pfister (in 1630–1642). The altars, with carved figures of saints, were probably made by the artist Georg Ioan Pinzel from Buchach. The architecture of the monastery's defensive structures needs further research. In the temple there are several valuable icons of the prophetic series of iconostasis. These are works originating from the famous Krasnopushchany iconostasis by Gnat Stobynsky and Fr. Theodosius of Sichynskyi. This iconostasis was donated in 1912 by Metropolitan Andrei Sheptytskyi. Restoration work on the monastery began in 2007 after a visit by President Victor Yushchenko. First of all, the roof of the temple was repaired. Work is underway to restore and recreate the interior of the temple. Archaeological research of lost fortifications needs special attention.


Urban History ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 58-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. J. Vickery

Charles Dickens visited Preston in January 1854 to report on the cotton lock-out of that year. What he saw contributed to his vision of the archetypal northern, urban industrial centre, Coketown:It was a town of red brick or of brick that would have been red if the smoke and ashes had allowed it; but as matters stood it was a town of unnatural red and black like the painted face of a savage. It was a town of machinery and tall chimneys, out of which interminable serpents of smoke trailed themselves forever and ever and never got uncoiled.Three years later a rather different topographical account appeared in Charles Hardwick's history of the borough:Notwithstanding the occasional carpings of a few splenetic travellers, Preston is generally and deservedly recognized as one of the cleanest and most pleasantly situated manufacturing towns in England. The cotton factories are chiefly erected to the north and east of the old aristocratic borough …. and do not as yet materially interfere with the more ‘fashionable’ or picturesque sections of the district.The contrast illuminates the shortcomings of the town history both as literature and historical geography; but indicates the tenor of Prestonian self-justification. It is precisely this prosaic subjectivity which makes the histories a rich source. As Peter Clark asserts, ‘even fifth-rate urban historians sometimes have an important story to tell.’Unlike many other towns with long-established traditions of urban chronicling, history writing in Preston did not blossom until the nineteenth century.


2021 ◽  
Vol 102 (s1) ◽  
pp. s309-s338
Author(s):  
Laurie K. Bertram

How did marginalized and racialized ethnic immigrants transform themselves into active, armed colonial agents in nineteenth-century Western Canada? Approximately twenty Icelanders enlisted to fight Louis Riel’s forces during the North-West Resistance in 1885, just ten years following the arrival of Icelandic immigrants in present-day Manitoba. Forty more reportedly enlisted in an Icelandic-Canadian battalion to enforce the government’s victory in the fall. This public, armed stance of a group of Icelanders against Indigenous forces in 1885 is somewhat unexpected, since most Icelanders were relatively recent arrivals in the West and, in Winnipeg, members of the largely unskilled urban working class. Moreover, they were widely rumoured among Winnipeggers to be from a “blubber-eating race” and of “Eskimo” extraction; community accounts testify to the discrimination numerous early Icelanders faced in the city. These factors initially make Icelanders unexpected colonialists, particularly since nineteenth-century ethnic immigration and colonial suppression so often appear as separate processes in Canadian historiography. Indeed, this scholarship is characterized by an enduring belief that Western Canadian colonialism was a distinctly Anglo sin. Ethnic immigrants often appear in scholarly and popular histories as sharing a history of marginalization with Indigenous people that prevented migrants from taking part in colonial displacement. Proceeding from the neglected history of Icelandic enlistment in 1885 and new developments in Icelandic historiography, this article argues that rather than negating ethnic participation in Indigenous suppression, ethnic marginality and the class tensions it created could actually fuel participation in colonial campaigns, which promised immigrants upward mobility, access to state support, and land.


Reviews: The Irish Franciscans, 1534–1990, Framing the West: Images of Rural Ireland, 1891–1920, the Irish Establishment, 1879–1914, the Great Parchment Book of Waterford: Liber Antiquissimus Civitatis Waterfordiae, the Laity, the Church and the Mystery Plays: A Drama of Belonging, the Irish in Post-War Britain, New Guests of the Irish Nation, the Making of the Irish Poor Law, 1815–1843, Republicanism in Ireland: Confronting Theories and Traditions, the Orange Order: A Contemporary Northern Irish History, Repeal and Revolution: 1848 in Ireland, the Civil Service and the Revolution in Ireland, 1912–1938: ‘Shaking the Blood-Stained Hand of Mr Collins’, Inspector Mallon: Buying Irish Patriotism for a Five-Pound Note, An Illustrated History of the Phoenix Park: Landscape and Management to 1880, Gypsum Mining and the Shirley Estate in South Monaghan, 1800–1936, the Rising: Ireland, Easter 1916, Left to the Wolves: Irish Victims of Stalinist Terror, Enforcing the English Reformation in Ireland: Clerical Resistance and Political Conflict in the Diocese of Dublin, 1530–1590, Staging Ireland: Representations in Shakespeare and Renaissance Drama, God's Executioner: Oliver Cromwell and the Conquest of Ireland, the Irish Labour Party, 1922–1973, the Big House in the North of Ireland: Land, Power and Social Elites, 1878–1960, Historical Association of Ireland, Life and Times New Series, Culture and Society in Early Modern Breifne/Cavan, Witchcraft and Whigs: The Life of Bishop Francis Hutchinson, 1660–1739, Cosmopolitan Ireland: Globalisation and Quality of Life, the Orange Order in Canada

2010 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 154-204
Author(s):  
Brian MacCuarta ◽  
Liam Kelly ◽  
Martin Maguire ◽  
Susan Flavin ◽  
Declan Mallon ◽  
...  

2001 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Lowrey

In the early nineteenth century, the city of Edinburgh cultivated a reputation as "the Athens of the North." The paper explores the architectural aspects of this in relation to the city's sense of its own identity. It traces the idea of Edinburgh as a "modern Athens" back to the eighteenth century, when the connotations were cultural, intellectual, and topographical rather than architectural. With the emergence of the Greek revival, however, Edinburgh began actively to construct an image of classical Greece on the hilltops and in the streets of the expanding city. It is argued that the Athenian identity of Edinburgh should be viewed as the culmination of a series of developments dating back to the Act of Union between the Scottish and English Parliaments in 1707. As a result, Edinburgh lost its status as a capital city and struggled to reassert itself against the stronger economy of the south. Almost inevitably, the northern capital had to redefine itself in relation to London, the English and British capital. The major developments of Edinburgh in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, including the New Town and the urban proposals of Robert Adam, are interpreted in this light. As the eighteenth century progressed, the city grew more confident and by the early nineteenth century had settled upon its role within the Union and within the empire, which was that of cultural capital as a counterbalance to London, the political capital. The architectural culmination of the process of the redefinition of Edinburgh, however, coincided with the emergence of another mythology of Scottish identity, as seen through the Romantic vision of Sir Walter Scott. It implied a quite different, indigenous architecture that later found its expression in the Scots Baronial style. It is argued here, however, that duality does not contradict the idea of Edinburgh as Athens, nor, more generally, does it sit uneasily with the Scottish predilection for Greek architecture, but rather that it encapsulates the very essence of Scottish national identity: both proudly Scots and British.


1982 ◽  
Vol 23 (89) ◽  
pp. 17-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.R.B. McMinn

In the general election of January 1906, R. G. Glendinning, a taciturn baptist linen manufacturer of Belfast, won the North Antrim parliamentary seat. The significance of this event was his success in an overwhelmingly protestant constituency at the expense of the highly articulate and intelligent unionist sitting member, William Moore, the principal architect of the Ulster Unionist Council and the leader of the unionist campaign to expose the devolutionary dangers of ‘Macdonnellism’. Furthermore Glendinning had campaigned as a ‘liberal unionist’, but had been condemned as a home ruler by his opponent and indeed upon arrival in the house of commons took his seat on the liberal government benches. Some years later, in 1913, despite the heightened political temperature, it was still possible for a meeting on 24 October in Ballymoney town hall attended by some four or five hundred protestants to denounce ‘the lawless policy of Carsonism’, and for this same meeting to be addressed by such noted nationalists as Captain Jack White, Sir Roger Casement and Mrs Alice Stopford Green. Their audience was invited to sign an anti-covenant devised by White and closely modelled on, though directly opposed to, the Ulster Solemn League and Covenant. As late as 1925 an independent protestant candidate, George Henderson, representing the Unbought Tenants Association, secured one of the seven County Antrim seats in the Northern Ireland parliament, thus preventing the election of an official unionist, R. D. Megaw. Then there is the interesting phenomenon of the Independent Orange Order which in the years before 1914 had established itself more firmly in north Antrim than anywhere else. The area also threw up in this period a number of prominent individuals who became active in non-unionist politics, of whom the Reverend J. B. Armour, the Reverend D. D. Boyle, John Pinkerton and Samuel Craig McElroy are perhaps the best known. Finally Bally money and the Route was the epicentre of the Ulster tenant-right movement in the last three decades of the nineteenth century.


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