scholarly journals The « Cooperative Wage Study » and the Canadian Steelworkers

2014 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald Bean

Summary In contrast to a wealth of information relating to the techniques of implementing a fob evaluation programme relatively little attention has been given to the industrial relations aspects of such a scheme or to conditions necessary for securing union participation in it. In this paper it is our intention to analyse the CWS joint union-management job evaluation programme adopted in the Canadian steel industry from the standpoint of union objectives in pressing for its installation, collective bargaining aspects of the evaluation and internal union membership reactions. At the same time it is hoped to throw more light upon the wage policies and practices of the United Steelworkers — usually recognized as the largest and most powerful industrial union in Canada, about which little systematic knowledge at present exists.

1994 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 14-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olle Hammarstrom ◽  
Rianne Mahon

The Swedish industrial relations system has undergone significant changes in the past decade, as employers have vigorously pursued a strategy to decentralise the collective bargaining process. Issues of co-worker agreements and pay equity dominated the 1993 bargaining round, with employers seeking to limit the unions' role to the enterprise level. Union membership levels, however, have remained high and there has been greater cooperation between blue and white collar union groups. The return of a Social Democratic led Government may see greater support for national agreements and representative forms of participation.


1954 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 705-720 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick H. Harbison ◽  
Robert C. Spencer

The postwar record of collective bargaining in the steel industry is both important and unique. It is important because steel is a traditional “patternsetter” for large segments of American industry. The key bargains which are negotiated in this industry establish the benchmarks for the negotiations among thousands of employers and their unions, and the relationships between “Big Steel” and the United Steelworkers of America have a profound influence on the whole industrial relations climate of America. Everyone is concerned with the outcome of steel's bargains—unions, employees, companies, the public, and particularly the government.The record is unique by virtue of the extent of government involvement in collective bargaining matters in this industry. Since the end of the war, there have been three nation-wide steel strikes. The first, in 1946, lasted about three weeks; the second, in 1949, went on for over a month; and the third, in 1952, kept the industry at a standstill for fifty-five days. In all three cases the government was a principal party in the dispute.


2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 392-416
Author(s):  
Adolf Sturmthol

The Author first describes the « contradictory values » which surround collective bargaining and industrial peace, going through a brief analysis of various industrial relations theories: those of Market, Government and Union Participation in Management. He then goes on to distinguish between various manifestations of industrial conflicts—one of which being the strike, which is not necessarily a symptom of « unhealthy » industrial relations. The Author states that government intervention in conflicts of interests must be the exception and must have their justification in each case. He founds his thesis on the on-the-spot study of numerous data collected from the United States, Great Britain, France, Germany and, Sweden.


1999 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiří Kleibl ◽  
Zuzana Dvořáková

Czech representative democracy was initiated from the top down afterNovember 1989. Citizen's associations, trade unions and Tripartite are themajor mediators and interest-representing bodies outside political parties.Trade unions are highly centralised an donly bargain and conclude collectiveagreements on behalf of employees. Union membership dropped sharply from100% of the economically active population in 1989 to 21% in 1997. Tradeunions worked in partnership with government to formulate social policy inthe years 1990-1997, most often in Tripartite. This partnership contributedto the general support of economic transformation and influenced thewillingness of people to carry the burden of privatization. However, since1997 these partners have demonstrated efforts to rely less on Tripartite.Instead, they make representations directly to Parliament and rely upon thelegal provisions on collective bargaining.


1999 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Schroeder ◽  
Rainer Weinert

The approach of the new millennium appears to signal the demiseof traditional models of social organization. The political core ofthis process of change—the restructuring of the welfare state—andthe related crisis of the industrywide collective bargaining agreementhave been subjects of much debate. For some years now inspecialist literature, this debate has been conducted between theproponents of a neo-liberal (minimally regulated) welfare state andthe supporters of a social democratic model (highly regulated). Thealternatives are variously expressed as “exit vs. voice,” “comparativeausterity vs. progressive competitiveness,” or “deregulation vs.cooperative re-regulation.”


Author(s):  
Cécile Guillaume

Abstract Based on in-depth qualitative research conducted in one of the major French trade unions (the CFDT), this article explores to what extent and under what conditions trade unions adopt different legal practices to further their members’ interests. In particular, it investigates how ‘legal framing’ has taken an increasingly pervasive place in trade union work, in increasingly decentralised industrial relations contexts, such as France. This article therefore argues that the use of the law has become a multifaceted and embedded repertoire of action for the CFDT in its attempt to consolidate its institutional power through various strategies, including collective redress and the use of legal expertise in collective bargaining and representation work.


2021 ◽  
pp. 102425892199500
Author(s):  
Maria da Paz Campos Lima ◽  
Diogo Martins ◽  
Ana Cristina Costa ◽  
António Velez

Internal devaluation policies imposed in southern European countries since 2010 have weakened labour market institutions and intensified wage inequality and the falling wage share. The debate in the wake of the financial and economic crisis raised concerns about slow wage growth and persistent economic inequality. This article attempts to shed light on this debate, scrutinising the case of Portugal in the period 2010–2017. Mapping the broad developments at the national level, the article examines four sectors, looking in particular at the impact of minimum wages and collective bargaining on wage trends vis-à-vis wage inequality and wage share trajectories. We conclude that both minimum wage increases and the slight recovery of collective bargaining had a positive effect on wage outcomes and were important in reducing wage inequality. The extent of this reduction was limited, however, by uneven sectoral recovery dynamics and the persistent effects of precarious work, combined with critical liberalisation reforms.


2020 ◽  
pp. 0143831X2098005
Author(s):  
Lorenzo Frangi ◽  
Muhammad Umar Boodoo ◽  
Robert Hebdon

The general decline of strikes does not necessarily imply that workers are demobilised. A dormant strike potential can be present. Drawing on strikes as ‘experience goods’, this article sheds light on this point by studying pro-strike attitudes among employees in 24 countries who have never been on strike. The variation in pro-strike attitudes is explained by both contextual (collective bargaining coverage, economic conditions and freedom of rights and liberties) and individual (union membership and confidence in unions, political values and household financial situation) factors. Deeper analyses of three countries highlight the potential impact of specific repertoires of contention developed over time on the formation of pro-strike attitudes. Implications for the labour conflict literature and union strategies are discussed.


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