Industrial relations in the czech republic

1999 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiří Kleibl ◽  
Zuzana Dvořáková

Czech representative democracy was initiated from the top down afterNovember 1989. Citizen's associations, trade unions and Tripartite are themajor mediators and interest-representing bodies outside political parties.Trade unions are highly centralised an donly bargain and conclude collectiveagreements on behalf of employees. Union membership dropped sharply from100% of the economically active population in 1989 to 21% in 1997. Tradeunions worked in partnership with government to formulate social policy inthe years 1990-1997, most often in Tripartite. This partnership contributedto the general support of economic transformation and influenced thewillingness of people to carry the burden of privatization. However, since1997 these partners have demonstrated efforts to rely less on Tripartite.Instead, they make representations directly to Parliament and rely upon thelegal provisions on collective bargaining.

Author(s):  
Cécile Guillaume

Abstract Based on in-depth qualitative research conducted in one of the major French trade unions (the CFDT), this article explores to what extent and under what conditions trade unions adopt different legal practices to further their members’ interests. In particular, it investigates how ‘legal framing’ has taken an increasingly pervasive place in trade union work, in increasingly decentralised industrial relations contexts, such as France. This article therefore argues that the use of the law has become a multifaceted and embedded repertoire of action for the CFDT in its attempt to consolidate its institutional power through various strategies, including collective redress and the use of legal expertise in collective bargaining and representation work.


Author(s):  
Zuzana Horváthová ◽  
Iva Fischerová ◽  
Josef Abrahám

The paper deals with the social policy of the European Union, specifically the directive (EU) 2019/1158 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 20 June 2019 on work-life balance for parents and carers and repealing Council Directive 2010/18/EU. And it is considering the changes that need to be made in the area of labour law, especially concerning the Labour Code, and partially in social security in the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic, in connection with the requirement to transpose this directive. The aim of the paper is to evaluate the valid legislation of the Czech Republic and Slovak Republic in the monitored area. Key words: social policy, European Union, work-life balance, directive, parental leave, paternity leave, carers ́ leave, social security.


2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 189-196
Author(s):  
Peter Ackers

Hugh Clegg’s riposte to the 1977 Bullock Report on Industrial Democracy was one of seven papers published from a conference on the subject in April that year. His contribution has to be seen against his long-standing views (expressed, for example, in 1951 and 1960) on industrial democracy which he saw in practical terms as free trade unions conducting collective bargaining. On the Donovan Commission (1965-68), he supported the majority opposition to recommending even voluntary schemes for worker directors. In 1977 he regarded worker directors as irrelevant to the urgent, practical task of reforming British industrial relations. For Clegg, continental versions of industrial democracy worked where there was already a successful prior industrial relations system, developed through workplace and industry institutional practices over decades. One new, top-level initiative could not create that.


Author(s):  
Ewing Mahoney

This chapter looks at government attempts to ban trade unions, considering the steps that were taken in lieu of an outright ban on trade union membership. Consistently with other measures taken at the time under the cover of security, government intervention to deal with the alleged menace of Communist infiltration of the civil service trade unions did not take the form of legislation. The legal position reflected both the lack of legal regulation of industrial relations generally and the lack of legal regulation of public-sector employment in particular. In practice, governments rarely needed to reveal or justify the legal foundations for their actions. The benefit for government is that although security policies might well be announced and made public, there would be little accountability thereafter if operated unobtrusively.


2017 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 439-466
Author(s):  
Verena Wasmuth

Abstract Following the political and territorial events of 1918, 1945, and 1989, the Czechoslovak glass industry was facing similar adversities in the search for new markets. The cooperation between industry, trade, and professional designers proved a successful way out of the crisis. A closer look at the players involved in the economic transformation reveals that the diversified promotion of design ensured the long-term survival of the manufacture and finishing of glass in the Czech Republic, and thus the traditional reputation of the industry as a whole.


2000 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald G. Simonson

This paper examines the two crucial factors in Czech banking policy that explain why Czech banks were not an effective support for economic restructuring in the nineties. These factors are: the subsistence of unrestructured, non-viable firms that undermined development of banks' debt monitoring role and stunted the development of bankruptcy and commercial laws needed to support credit creation and, delays in privatizing the large bank hegemony that rendered the banks themselves unrestructured, undercapitalized and poorly competitive with foreign institutions.


2006 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 577-591
Author(s):  
Eckhard Voss

This article examines a number of aspects of the industrial relations practices of foreign investors in central and eastern Europe, focusing on trade union structures, employee interest representation, and consultation and social dialogue at the company level. Based on evidence from selected companies in Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia, the paper argues that the experiences of multinational companies with regard to employee interest representation and shop-floor trade unionism should be regarded as ‘laboratories of learning processes' which are not only having an impact on the ongoing transformation of industrial relations and corporate cultures in the new Member States but also on the whole of Europe, most notably the future shape of institutionalised employee participation.


1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
David F. Smith

Industrial democracy and worker participation have become important topics for international debate, with developments taking place in many countries. Despite its former reputation for advances in the social field, little has been heard about developments in worker participation in New Zealand. The aim of the present paper is to report and assess such developments whilst placing these within the context of developments in industrial relations in that country. The strong reliance upon legal arrangements and government intervention in industrial relations matters have had a marked effect upon the development of the industrial relations system in New Zealand. Yet, despite this tradition of legalism, successive governments remain singularly reluctant to legislate in the field of worker participation. Recent initiatives by employers have been strongly unitary in nature, whilst the trade unions appear to be concentrating their efforts upon extending the scope of collective bargaining, an opportunity afforded to them due to recent changes in the law. The present Government's wish that voluntary arrangements between employers and trade unions will eventuate to cover worker participation seems less than pragmatic, since employers, unions and the Government itself differ so fundamentally upon what constitutes worker participation, and the forms it might take.


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