The Politics of Collective Bargaining: The Postwar Record in Steel

1954 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 705-720 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick H. Harbison ◽  
Robert C. Spencer
Keyword(s):  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Steel Industry ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
American Industry ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Third ◽  
Profound Influence ◽  
Government Involvement ◽  
The Government

The postwar record of collective bargaining in the steel industry is both important and unique. It is important because steel is a traditional “patternsetter” for large segments of American industry. The key bargains which are negotiated in this industry establish the benchmarks for the negotiations among thousands of employers and their unions, and the relationships between “Big Steel” and the United Steelworkers of America have a profound influence on the whole industrial relations climate of America. Everyone is concerned with the outcome of steel's bargains—unions, employees, companies, the public, and particularly the government.The record is unique by virtue of the extent of government involvement in collective bargaining matters in this industry. Since the end of the war, there have been three nation-wide steel strikes. The first, in 1946, lasted about three weeks; the second, in 1949, went on for over a month; and the third, in 1952, kept the industry at a standstill for fifty-five days. In all three cases the government was a principal party in the dispute.

Collective conflict in the public sector in France

2002 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 688-700
Author(s):  
Marie-Armelle Souriac
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
Public Enterprises ◽  
Roles And Responsibilities ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

The right to strike has been recognised in France, even as a right guaranteed by the Constitution, since 1946. Strikes in the public sector are subject to specific legal regulation, including requirements for minimum notice periods and, in some circumstances, minimum service requirements. This contribution examines these special legal features of public-sector strikes. It is necessary to clarify the respective roles and responsibilities of the management of public enterprises (or administrative authorities) and the government. The article also considers alternative (and new) forms of collective action and agreements. In the future there may well be even greater scope for the regulation of strikes to be covered by collective bargaining.

scholarly journals Public Employment, Collective Bargaining and the Conventional Wisdom : Canada and U.S.A.

2005 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 406-435
Author(s):  
W. B. Cunningham
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Private Sector ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
Public Employment ◽  
The Public ◽  
State Of Affairs

The author states that the conventional wisdom has viewed collective bargaining in the public service as unnecessary, impractical and illegal. And he adds that, in general, and until recently, the prevailing practices in the United States and Canada have been in close harmony with the conventional wisdom. But the restless change of events threatens the existing state of affairs, described by the conventional wisdom, with progressive obsolescence. And the author answers the two following questions: Can the industrial relations system of the private sector be applied to public employment? To what extent does the nature of government employment raise unique problems? The enemy of the conventional wisdom is not ideas but the march of events. J.K. GALBRAITH, « The Affluent Society »

The Formation of Great Britain's “Truly National” Government

1940 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 728-736 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Ivor Jennings
Keyword(s):  
National Government ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Third ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Profound Influence ◽  
Responsible Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
Precise Relationship ◽  
The One ◽  
Governmental Control

The events of the days of May, when Parliament replaced the “National” Government of the third Chamberlain by the “truly National” Government of the third Churchill, illustrate the danger of simple explanations of the working of the British constitution. The notion that responsible government could be expressed in terms of Parliamentary “control” of the Government in power has disappeared. There has been, however, a tendency to replace it by the equally naive explanation of Governmental control of Parliament. The truth lies in between. On the one hand, it must be recognized that, through the party machine, a Government with a majority has very substantial powers of control. On the other hand, it must equally be recognized that public opinion, acting through members of Parliament, has a profound influence on the policy of the Government. The precise relationship has never been fully investigated, because the British electoral machine has never been adequately studied. It is doubtful if it can ever be adequately expounded, because, like so many parts of the British constitution, it depends upon intangible elements which do not lend themselves easily to demonstration.

Developments in Worker Participation in New Zealand

1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
David F. Smith
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Marked Effect ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Industrial Democracy ◽  
International Debate ◽  
Worker Participation ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government

Industrial democracy and worker participation have become important topics for international debate, with developments taking place in many countries. Despite its former reputation for advances in the social field, little has been heard about developments in worker participation in New Zealand. The aim of the present paper is to report and assess such developments whilst placing these within the context of developments in industrial relations in that country. The strong reliance upon legal arrangements and government intervention in industrial relations matters have had a marked effect upon the development of the industrial relations system in New Zealand. Yet, despite this tradition of legalism, successive governments remain singularly reluctant to legislate in the field of worker participation. Recent initiatives by employers have been strongly unitary in nature, whilst the trade unions appear to be concentrating their efforts upon extending the scope of collective bargaining, an opportunity afforded to them due to recent changes in the law. The present Government's wish that voluntary arrangements between employers and trade unions will eventuate to cover worker participation seems less than pragmatic, since employers, unions and the Government itself differ so fundamentally upon what constitutes worker participation, and the forms it might take.

The Curés and the Third Estate: the Ideas of Reform in the Pamphlets of the French Lower Clergy in the period 1787–1789

1957 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. G. Hutt
Keyword(s):  
Great Majority ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Third ◽  
Proper Form ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Revolution

The convening of the Assembly of Notables and the prolonged conflict between the government and the Parlement of Paris gave rise to a ferment of discussion throughout France during 1787 and 1788. This increased after the publication of the arrêt du conseil on 8 August 1788 which gave 1 May 1789 as the date for the opening of an Estates-General. The public debate was greatly encouraged by, and indeed largely carried on in, the innumerable pamphlets which appeared after the king had, in July, invited informed persons to submit memoranda on the proper form and functions of such an assembly. Amid this ‘avalanche of proposals, complaints, protests and far-fetched schemes’ there were a considerable number of pamphlets written by members of the lower clergy. Although the great majority of these are anonymous, the form of the titles and, more important, internal evidence indicate that they are almost certainly the work of clerical writers. The nature and content of these pamphlets are a valuable indication of the attitude of at least a considerable section—and this an influential section—of the lower clergy on the eve of the Revolution. In these pamphlets are expressed in their clearest form the ideas which formed the content of many of the speeches made by curé agitators in the electoral assemblies which met in the spring of 1789, and which, modified in more sober committees, dictated many of the clauses which clerical cahiers devoted to Church affairs.

Determinants of Corporate Social Responsibility of a Social Enterprise: An Empirical Analysis

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (03) ◽  
pp. 1650018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Soon-Beng Chew ◽  
Wei Quan Jeffrey Huang ◽  
Hui Ching Chia ◽  
Huang Chi Soh
Keyword(s):  
Corporate Social Responsibility ◽  
Social Responsibility ◽  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Labor Movement ◽  
Social Enterprise ◽  
Field Survey ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Corporate Social

This paper makes an attempt to estimate the corporate social responsibility (CSR) of a social enterprise in Singapore. Following the literature, we measure CSR based on a set of standard questions to gauge how the public values CSR according to these standard questions. The social enterprise being studied is NTUC Fairprice. NTUC is Singapore's labor movement which is a macro-focused union that works well with the government to achieve growth with equity ([Yao, S and SB Chew (2014). A mathematical model of a macro-focused labour union. Singapore Economic Review, 59(4), 1–13] for the theory of the macro-focused union). In this study, we also measure the CSR of Giant, another supermarket which is a commercial firm. A comparative analysis of the estimate of the CSR of these two firms is then made. The main finding is that, based on a field survey, Singaporeans value the CSR of NTUC Fairprice more highly than that of Giant. Our regression analysis reveals that the CSR valuation of NTUC Fairprice is basically determined by how people perceive NTUC Fairprice in terms of their sentiments. On the other hand, the only variable that is statistically significant in explaining changes in the CSR valuation of Giant is Malay respondents. The study also finds that, based on the second field survey, almost 85% of respondents chose to become members of NTUC because of non-collective bargaining benefits and only 10% joined the union because of sentiment. The main conclusion is that it pays for an organization to be known as a social enterprise. As NTUC Fairprice is a social enterprise of the labor movement in Singapore, union members are always supportive of the social effort of its cooperatives, of which NTUC Fairprice is one. An important incentive for workers to become union members is the provision of non-collective bargaining benefits provided by the labor movement.

scholarly journals Strategi Meningkatkan Ruang Terbuka Hijau Publik di Kabupaten Semarang

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-33
Author(s):  
Maldhimas Uut Wardana ◽  
Amin Pujiati
Keyword(s):  
Green Space ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Third ◽  
Public Areas ◽  
The Government ◽  
Private Government ◽  
Hierarchy Process ◽  
The City ◽  
Economic Criteria

According to the laws of Indonesia No. 26 in 2007, about Spatial, article 29 paragraph 1 and 2 mentioned that the proportion of open green space in the city area of at least 30% of the total area of the city and the proportion of open green space in the public areas of the city at least 20% of the total area of the city. This research consists of 9 keyperson consisting of academics/researchers, private, Government, and society. As for the research method used is descriptive analysis with the method of Analysis Hierarchy Process (AHP). Research results concluded Analysis Hierarchy Process (AHP) can be seen that the increase in open green space strategies public in Semarang is composed of several criteria the programs in priority in its formation: first social criteria (the value weights 0,318), the second policy criteria), (value weighted 0,283), the third criteria of ecology (value weighted 0,270), four economic criteria (the value weights 0,129). Obstacles in the strategy increased public open green space in Semarang is regarding budget constraints in APBD from the Government which has not been optimal. Menurut undang-undang RI No.26 tahun 2007, tentang Penataan Ruang, pasal 29 ayat 1 dan 2 disebutkan bahwa proporsi ruang terbuka hijau pada wilayah kota paling sedikit 30% dari luas wilayah kota dan proporsi ruang terbuka hijau publik pada wilayah kota paling sedikit 20% dari luas wilayah kota. Data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini berupa data primer. Penelitian ini terdiri dari 9 keyperson yang terdiri dari unsur akademisi/peneliti, swasta, pemerintah, dan masyarakat. Adapun metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah analisis deskriptif dengan metode Analysis Hierarchy Process (AHP). Hasil penelitian disimpulkan Analysis Hierarchy Process (AHP) dapat terlihat bahwa strategi peningkatan ruang terbuka hijau publik di Kabupaten Semarang tersusun atas beberapa kriteria program yang di prioritaskan dalam pembentukannya yaitu pertama kriteria sosial (nilai bobot 0,318), kedua kriteria kebijakan (nilai bobot 0,283), ketiga kriteria ekologi (nilai bobot 0,270), keempat kriteria ekonomi (nilai bobot 0,129). Hambatan dalam strategi peningkatan ruang terbuka hijau publik di Kabupaten Semarang adalah mengenai keterbatasan anggaran dalam APBD dari pemerintah yang belum optimal.

Democracy Model Based on Bali Local Wisdom Values for Capacity Building of Regional Governance

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (9) ◽  
pp. 22
Author(s):  
I Wayan Gede Suacana ◽  
Eka Suaib
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Regional Governance ◽  
The Public ◽  
Second Stage ◽  
The Third ◽  
Third Stage ◽  
The Government

This research was conducted applying qualitative method for assessing governance in Bali Region. The stage of research began with the collection of primary and secondary data. The second stage was choosing a theory as means of analyzing the data. The third stage analyzed and interpreted the data that had been selected. The fourth stage was to do the writing and construction of research results. The results showed that values of local wisdom of Bali, which is reflected in its democratic models, showed how the government and people of Bali held a governance rule. Strengthening institutional capacity and the capacity of policy was strongly supported by the development of this democratic model. In this context, there is a symmetrical relationship between the accountability and transparency of government who is regarded as Guru Wisesa with the level of public trust in him. It is also supported by the implementation of the five values of local wisdom in giving service (seva) to the public, namely: Sathya (Truth), Dharma (virtue), Shanti (Peace), Prema (love) and Ahimsa (abstinence violence). However, the model of democracy with the values of local wisdom is not enough to produce a democratic political system without the support of the situation, conditions and political institutions. Freedom and equality (equality) as part of the democratic values are still hampered by paternalistic cultures that restrict the freedom of society.

COLLECTIVE BARGAINING DYNAMICS IN THE NIGERIAN PUBLIC AND PRIVATE SECTORS

2011 ◽  
Vol 01 (05) ◽  
pp. 63-70
Author(s):  
Anyim C. Francis ◽  
Elegbede Tunde ◽  
Mariam A. ◽  
Gbajumo Sheriff
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Private Sector ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
The State ◽  
Wage Determination ◽  
Federal State ◽  
Freedom Of Association ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The Public

The objective of this paper is to examine the dynamics of collective bargaining machinery in both the public and private sectors in Nigeria; with a view to bringing to the fore the peculiarities associated with both sectors with regard to the practice of bargaining. To achieve this objective, the paper adopts a theoretical approach. The author observes that the practice of industrial relations as a discipline and that of collective bargaining in particular emanated from the private sector the world over. Thus, much of the practices of public sector collective bargaining are modelled after the private sector collective bargaining. However, in Nigeria, the obverse is the case as collective bargaining gained its root in the public sector owing to the near absence of private sector at the turn of the century. However, in Nigeria, the public sector pays lip-service to the collective bargaining machinery. Governments at all levels (Federal, State and Local) have continued to set aside collective bargaining and to give wage awards to score political points in spite of its commitment to the ILO Convention 98 to freely bargain with workers. The State or the government in the course of regulating wages and employment terms and conditions revert to the use of wage commissions. Thus, wage determination is by fiat. This preference for wage commissions can at best be regarded as a unilateral system as collective bargaining is relegated to the background.Wage tribunals or commissions offer little opportunity for workers’ contribution in the determination of terms and conditions of employment and can hardly be viewed as bilateral or tripartite. Thus, the State preference for wage commissions is anti-collective bargaining. In spite of Nigeria’s commitment to Conventions of the ILO with particular reference to such Conventions as 87 of 1948 and 98 of 1949 which provide for freedom of association and the right of workers to organize and bargain collectively. Thus, the use of wage commissions is antithetical to collective bargaining.

COVID-19 and the Mass Media

2021 ◽  
pp. 509-518
Author(s):  
Subir Sinha
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
Public Interest ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Graphical Representation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Government

COVID-19 is the cause of the greatest pandemic of the century that affects almost every nation of our globe. In India, mass media has played a significant role in this pandemic situation. The media coverage revealed fearlessly the condition of COVID-19 and provides a pictorial view of the situation in front of the readers and viewers. The main objectives of these fearless journalistic works were to provide the public valuable authentic information, create awareness among the public, eliminate fake propaganda and fake news, highlight the problem face by the ordinary public, and to provide the government a medium to speak with the public for the public interest. Mass media served as a vital weapon to fight against COVID-19. The valuable information and instructions provided by mass media created awareness among the public and which played a major role to deescalate the graphical representation of active COVID-19 cases. The outbreak of COVID-19 and the dogmatic approaches of the mass media in the pandemic situation have recalled the concept of media as the third pillar of democracy.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document