scholarly journals Career Satisfaction: A Look behind the Races

2011 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 584-608 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret Yap ◽  
Wendy Cukier ◽  
Mark Robert Holmes ◽  
Charity-Ann Hannan

Previous studies have largely focused on the career success of white employees (Heslin, 2005). Using recent survey data, this paper examines the career satisfaction levels of white/Caucasian and visible minority managerial, professional and executive employees in the information and communications technology [ICT] and financial services sectors in corporate Canada. Given that the demographic makeup of organizations in Canada is drastically changing with the aging population and the increasing participation of visible minorities in the labour force, it is crucial for managers and organizations to understand their employees’ level of career satisfaction. Studies have found that employees who are more satisfied with their careers are more engaged and thus are more likely to actively contribute to the organization’s success (Peluchette, 1993; Harter, Schmidt and Hayes, 2002). Findings from this paper showed that the average career satisfaction scores were lower for visible minority employees than for white/Caucasian employees. In addition, variations were found between white/Caucasian employees and Chinese, South Asian and Black visible minority employees. While Black employees were 13.0% less satisfied than white/Caucasian employees, Chinese employees were only 8.3% less satisfied than their white/Caucasian counterparts, and the difference between South Asian and white/Caucasian employees was found to be insignificant. Decomposition analyses show that over 58% to 82% of the difference in career of satisfaction scores, depending on the ethnic group, can be accounted for by factors included in this paper. Of the unexplained portion, most of the differences in career satisfaction between white/Caucasian and minority groups are attributable to higher returns to white/Caucasian employees’ human capital and demographic characteristics.

2005 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 203 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. R. Balakrishnan ◽  
Paul Maxim ◽  
Rozzet Jurdi

This article examines the relevance of the spatial assimilation model in understanding residential segregation of ethnic groups in the three largest gateway cities of Canada. Using data from the census of 2001 it finds that while the model may have worked for the European groups they are less applicable to the visible minorities such as the Chinese, South Asians and Blacks. Residential segregation reduces with generation for the European groups but not for the visible minorities. Canadian patterns seem to be different from that seen in the United States. Many visible minority groups maintain their concentration levels even in the suburbs. The findings seem to indicate that cultural preferences may be just as important as social class in the residential choices of visible minority groups.


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 359-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Bird ◽  
Samantha D. Jackson ◽  
R. Michael McGregor ◽  
Aaron A. Moore ◽  
Laura B. Stephenson

AbstractDo women vote for women and men for men? Do visible minorities vote for minority candidates, and white voters for white candidates? And what happens when a minority woman appears on the ballot? This study tests for the presence of gender and ethnic affinity voting in the Toronto mayoral election of 2014, where Olivia Chow was the only woman and only visible minority candidate among the three major contenders. Our analysis, which draws on a survey of eligible Toronto voters, is the first to examine the interactive effects of sex and ethnicity on vote choice in Canada in the context of a non-partisan election and in a non-experimental manner. We find strong evidence of ethnic affinity voting and show that Chow received stronger support from ethnic Chinese voters than from other minority groups. Our results also reveal that gender was related to vote choice but only when connected with race.


2021 ◽  
pp. 000169932110556
Author(s):  
Juta Kawalerowicz ◽  
Anders Hjorth-Trolle

In many European countries, a growing share of population with immigrant background coincides with the surge in support for radical right parties. In this paper we show how such increases affect radical right candidacy. We use Swedish register data which identifies political candidates. With geocoded data, we match individuals running for the Sweden Democrats to their local neighbourhood contexts, and measure changes in the share of visible minority residents at scales ranging from 100 meters to 2 kilometres. For those who stayed in the same neighbourhood between 2006 and 2010, the change in the share of visible minorities generally does not affect the decision to join the pool of party candidates. This result is robust when we introduce additional tests and select on the scale of the neighbourhood, unemployment terciles, change in share of visible minority groups terciles, and entry threshold into the pool of candidates. For those who stayed in the same neighbourhood, the only significant finding is a small mobilisation effect for a subsample of individuals who live in densely populated metropolitan neighbourhoods – here we also observe a halo effect, with negative association for small-scale changes and positive association for changes in the larger halo zone.


2003 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 630-659 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Swidinsky ◽  
Michael Swidinsky

Summary This article presents new evidence on the relative earnings of visible minority immigrant and native-born paid workers in Canada using data from the 1996 Census. Our findings show that labour market disadvantages associated with visible minority status are largely confined to immigrant men. The earnings deficits imputed to minority native-born men and immigrant women are fairly modest, and it appears that native-born women are paid a premium. Among immigrant men, labour market disadvantages are apparent primarily among those who were older when they arrived in Canada. There is some evidence that foreign work experience is relatively undervalued, but there is little evidence that immigrants receive lower compensation for foreign-based schooling. Finally, our analysis of individual ethnic minority groups reveals that Black men are most profoundly affected by labour market discrimination: The earnings deficit they must contend with is both significant and inter-generationally persistent.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-171
Author(s):  
John Samuel ◽  
Nand Tandon

Executive summary of a Canadian qualitative study conducted by John Samuel and Nand Tandon, John Samuel and Associates, Ottawa (2015). Despite being conducted several years ago, the study has remained unpublished until its inclusion in this CPI issue. The research examines systemic issues and barriers encountered by members of the First Nations and visible minorities in the high education segment of the Canadian workplace, barriers that remain in Canada today. The Engagement Plan for a Racism-Free Workplace forms part of the Labour Program of [the federal government’s] HRSDC’s drive to end race-based discrimination in the workplace faced by Aboriginal peoples and members of visible minority groups. As well, the federal government has made a commitment to removing race-related barriers in the workplace and to consulting racial and ethnic groups in developing public policy to achieve this objective.


Author(s):  
S.A. Kirillina ◽  
A.L. Safronova ◽  
V.V. Orlov

Аннотация В статье изучены общие и специфические черты идейных воззрений, пропагандистской риторики и политических действий представителей халифатистского движения на Ближнем Востоке и в Южной Азии. В ретроспективном ключе прослеживается эволюция представлений о сущности и необходимости возрождения института халифата в трудах исламских идеологов, реформаторов и политиков Джамал ад-Дина ал-Афгани, Абд ар-Рахмана ал-Кавакиби, Мухаммада Рашида Риды, Абул Калама Азада. Внимание авторов сосредоточено на общественно-политических дискуссиях 2030-х годов XX столетия, а также на повестке дня халифатистских конгрессов и конференций этого периода. На них вырабатывались первые представления современников о пост-османском формате мусульманского единства и идейно-политической роли будущего халифата. Авторы демонстрируют различие между моделями реакции мусульман Ближнего Востока и Южной Азии на упразднение османского халифата республиканским руководством Турции. Установлена многоаспектная взаимосвязь между халифатистскими ценностями, проосманскими настроениями и формами самоотождествления, которые сложились в арабских и южноазиатских обществах. Отдельно намечено соотношение между подъемом халифатистских настроений и радикализацией антиколониальных действий мусульман Индостана.Abstract The article deals with analysis of common and specific features of ideas, propaganda, rhetoric and political actions taken by representatives of the movement for defense of the Caliphate in the Middle East and South Asia. The retrospection showing the transformation of conception of the Caliphate and the necessity of its revival in the works of eminent ideologists and politicians of the Muslim world Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibi, Muhammad Rashid Rida and Abul Kalam Azad, is also given in the article. The authors also focus on the social and political discussions of the 1920s 1930s, as well as on the agenda of Caliphatist congresses and conferences of this period. They helped to elaborate the early representations of post-Ottoman pattern of the Muslim unity and the ideological and political role of the future Caliphate. The authors demonstrate the difference between the forms of reaction of Muslims in the Middle East and South Asia to the repudiation of the Caliphate by the Republican leaders of Turkey. The article establishes a multi-aspect interaction between the Caliphatist values and forms of self-identification, emerged in Arab and South Asian societies. The correlation between the rise of Caliphatist attitudes and radicalization of anti-colonial actions of South Asian Muslims is also outlined.


2021 ◽  
pp. 014107682199997
Author(s):  
Vahé Nafilyan ◽  
Nazrul Islam ◽  
Daniel Ayoubkhani ◽  
Clare Gilles ◽  
Srinivasa Vittal Katikireddi ◽  
...  

Objective To estimate the proportion of ethnic inequalities explained by living in a multi-generational household. Design Causal mediation analysis. Setting Retrospective data from the 2011 Census linked to Hospital Episode Statistics (2017-2019) and death registration data (up to 30 November 2020). Participants Adults aged 65 years or over living in private households in England from 2 March 2020 until 30 November 2020 (n=10,078,568). Main outcome measures Hazard ratios were estimated for COVID-19 death for people living in a multi-generational household compared with people living with another older adult, adjusting for geographic factors, socioeconomic characteristics and pre-pandemic health. Results Living in a multi-generational household was associated with an increased risk of COVID-19 death. After adjusting for confounding factors, the hazard ratios for living in a multi-generational household with dependent children were 1.17 (95% confidence interval [CI] 1.06–1.30) and 1.21 (95% CI 1.06–1.38) for elderly men and women. The hazard ratios for living in a multi-generational household without dependent children were 1.07 (95% CI 1.01–1.13) for elderly men and 1.17 (95% CI 1.07–1.25) for elderly women. Living in a multi-generational household explained about 11% of the elevated risk of COVID-19 death among elderly women from South Asian background, but very little for South Asian men or people in other ethnic minority groups. Conclusion Elderly adults living with younger people are at increased risk of COVID-19 mortality, and this is a contributing factor to the excess risk experienced by older South Asian women compared to White women. Relevant public health interventions should be directed at communities where such multi-generational households are highly prevalent.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Skylar Maharaj

Previous research has shown that Canadian municipalities have lower visible minority proportionality rates among elected officials than other levels of government. To understand why, six visible minority city councillors and candidates from Toronto and Vancouver were interviewed. Respondents contributed their personal experiences and perspectives on issues of mirror, symbolic, and substantive representation of visible minorities. They discussed their initial involvement or interest in elite politics, their role models, and their understanding of the term “visible minority.” A broad narrative describes the complexities of political representation in practice and revealed that there were fewer entry points into elite municipal politics for individuals from marginalized groups. These entry points are further obscured by systemic barriers. Barriers were common for both cities despite differences in electoral systems and council structure. This paper recommends reimagining the “visible minority” categorization, and a policy framework that promotes the democratic ideal through institutional evaluations and acclaim for advancements.


Author(s):  
Nabil Khattab

<p class="pagecontents"><span lang="EN-GB">This paper analyses the patterns of occupational attainment and earnings among the Jewish community in Britain using UK Labour Force Survey data (2002-2010). The findings suggest that although British-Jews cannot be distinguished from the majority main stream population of British-White in terms of their overall occupational attainment and earnings, it seems that they have managed to integrate through patterns of self-employment and concentration in the service sector economy, particularly in banking and financial services. It is argued that this self-employment profile is a Jewish strategy used to minimise dependency on majority group employers and by doing so to helping to escape any religious penalties.</span></p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 405
Author(s):  
Lussi Agustin ◽  
Moh. Yusron Solikin ◽  
Zunairoh .

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis seberapa maksimal proses kebijakan retrukturisasi Kredit UMKM dalam Pemulihan Ekonomi di Masa Pandemi Covid-19. Kondisi perekonomian global sedang mengalami goncangan hebat akibat mewabahnya Covid-19. Dampak dari pandemic ini sangat mempengaruhi segala aspek terutama pada kondisi Kesehatan dan perekonomian suatu negara, tidak terkecuali Indonesia. Secara keseluruhan, hampir semua sektor industry mengalami goncangan dan tidak terkecuali sektor UMKM. Maka dari itu dikeluarkanlah kebijakan retrukturisasi Kredit UMKM guna mendorong optimalisasi fungsi intermediasi pada perbankan dan menjaga stabilitas sistem keuangan serta mendukung pertumbuhan perekonomian. Program restrukturisasi kredit menjadi program dari OJK yang dapat diterapkan oleh perbankan kepada UMKM. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode kualitatif dengan menggunakan studi empiris dari penelitian terdahulu serta peraturan-peraturan terkait dengan restrukturisasi kredit yang dikeluarkan oleh Otoritas Jasa Keuangan. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa implementasi kebijakan restrukturisai kredit bagi UMKM sudah berjalan dan digunakan oleh para pelaku UMKM. Kemudian berdasarkan implementasinya kebijakan ini merupakan kebijakan top-down dimana memerlukan banyak Lembaga untuk bekerja sama dan keputusan berasal dari Peraturan pemerintah baru di teruskan ke Lembaga-lembaga lain di bawahnya hingga informasinya sampai dan bisa dirasakan oleh para UMKM.  This research aims to analyze the policy of restructuring SMEs Credit in Economic Recovery during the Covid-19 Pandemic. The global economy is experiencing severe shocks due to the outbreak of Covid-19. The impact of this pandemic greatly affects all aspects, especially on the health and economic condition of a country, not least Indonesia. Overall, almost all industry sectors are experiencing shocks and are no exception to the SMEs sector. Therefore, the policy of restructuring SMEs Credit was issued to encourage optimization of intermediation function in banking and maintain the financial system stability and support economic growth. Credit restructuring program becomes a program from OJK that can be applied by banks to SMEs. The method used in this research is a qualitative method using empirical studies from previous research as well as regulations related to credit restructuring issued by the Financial Services Authority. The results of this research show that the implementation of credit restructuring policy for SMEs is already running and used by SMEs. Then based on the difference in implementation of this policy is a top-down policy that requires many Institutions to cooperate and decisions derived from the new government regulations are forwarded to other institutions under it until the information reaches and can be felt by SMEs.


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