scholarly journals Engagement Strategy for a Racism-Free Workplace

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-171
Author(s):  
John Samuel ◽  
Nand Tandon

Executive summary of a Canadian qualitative study conducted by John Samuel and Nand Tandon, John Samuel and Associates, Ottawa (2015). Despite being conducted several years ago, the study has remained unpublished until its inclusion in this CPI issue. The research examines systemic issues and barriers encountered by members of the First Nations and visible minorities in the high education segment of the Canadian workplace, barriers that remain in Canada today. The Engagement Plan for a Racism-Free Workplace forms part of the Labour Program of [the federal government’s] HRSDC’s drive to end race-based discrimination in the workplace faced by Aboriginal peoples and members of visible minority groups. As well, the federal government has made a commitment to removing race-related barriers in the workplace and to consulting racial and ethnic groups in developing public policy to achieve this objective.

2005 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 203 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. R. Balakrishnan ◽  
Paul Maxim ◽  
Rozzet Jurdi

This article examines the relevance of the spatial assimilation model in understanding residential segregation of ethnic groups in the three largest gateway cities of Canada. Using data from the census of 2001 it finds that while the model may have worked for the European groups they are less applicable to the visible minorities such as the Chinese, South Asians and Blacks. Residential segregation reduces with generation for the European groups but not for the visible minorities. Canadian patterns seem to be different from that seen in the United States. Many visible minority groups maintain their concentration levels even in the suburbs. The findings seem to indicate that cultural preferences may be just as important as social class in the residential choices of visible minority groups.


2011 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 584-608 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret Yap ◽  
Wendy Cukier ◽  
Mark Robert Holmes ◽  
Charity-Ann Hannan

Previous studies have largely focused on the career success of white employees (Heslin, 2005). Using recent survey data, this paper examines the career satisfaction levels of white/Caucasian and visible minority managerial, professional and executive employees in the information and communications technology [ICT] and financial services sectors in corporate Canada. Given that the demographic makeup of organizations in Canada is drastically changing with the aging population and the increasing participation of visible minorities in the labour force, it is crucial for managers and organizations to understand their employees’ level of career satisfaction. Studies have found that employees who are more satisfied with their careers are more engaged and thus are more likely to actively contribute to the organization’s success (Peluchette, 1993; Harter, Schmidt and Hayes, 2002). Findings from this paper showed that the average career satisfaction scores were lower for visible minority employees than for white/Caucasian employees. In addition, variations were found between white/Caucasian employees and Chinese, South Asian and Black visible minority employees. While Black employees were 13.0% less satisfied than white/Caucasian employees, Chinese employees were only 8.3% less satisfied than their white/Caucasian counterparts, and the difference between South Asian and white/Caucasian employees was found to be insignificant. Decomposition analyses show that over 58% to 82% of the difference in career of satisfaction scores, depending on the ethnic group, can be accounted for by factors included in this paper. Of the unexplained portion, most of the differences in career satisfaction between white/Caucasian and minority groups are attributable to higher returns to white/Caucasian employees’ human capital and demographic characteristics.


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 359-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Bird ◽  
Samantha D. Jackson ◽  
R. Michael McGregor ◽  
Aaron A. Moore ◽  
Laura B. Stephenson

AbstractDo women vote for women and men for men? Do visible minorities vote for minority candidates, and white voters for white candidates? And what happens when a minority woman appears on the ballot? This study tests for the presence of gender and ethnic affinity voting in the Toronto mayoral election of 2014, where Olivia Chow was the only woman and only visible minority candidate among the three major contenders. Our analysis, which draws on a survey of eligible Toronto voters, is the first to examine the interactive effects of sex and ethnicity on vote choice in Canada in the context of a non-partisan election and in a non-experimental manner. We find strong evidence of ethnic affinity voting and show that Chow received stronger support from ethnic Chinese voters than from other minority groups. Our results also reveal that gender was related to vote choice but only when connected with race.


2007 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 148-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Myra Rutherdale ◽  
Jim Miller

Abstract This paper traces the history of Aboriginal people’s participation in national spectacle and argues that the Indian Pavilion at Expo 67 was unique in its assertion of the portrayal of Native/Newcomer relations. Historians have interpreted the impact of the Indian Pavilion as an event that awakened non-Native Canadians to both the plight of Aboriginal peoples and their increasing unwillingness to suffer in silence. The controversy over the contents and general argument of the Indian Pavilion followed soon after the release of the two-volume Hawthorn Report on the social and economic conditions First Nations faced, and operated just as the federal government was initiating a series of talks with First Nations leaders to forge a new policy towards First Nations. At the same time, there is little evidence that the Indian Pavilion, whatever succès de scandale it enjoyed, had a lasting impact on public opinion or policymakers. Where the experience of mounting, operating, and defending the Indian Pavilion did matter, however, was with First Nations themselves. Whether causation or coincidence, the newfound confidence and pride that underlay the creation of the Indian Pavilion was completely consistent with the positive demeanour of Aboriginal political leaders from the late 1960s on.


2008 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Thiessen ◽  
Dianne E Looker

This paper examines the positions of First Nations, Inuit and Métis (FNIM) peoples and visible minorities as distances from the cultural “centre” of White European culture. It then assesses the relation of information and communication technology (ICT) to these locations among Canadian youth using three data sets: the 2001 Aboriginal Peoples Survey, the 2000 Youth in Transition Survey (older cohort) and its 2002 follow–up, and a 2004/2005 survey collected by the authors. Findings indicate that the idea of cultural centrality is useful in locating FNIM groups and visible minorities vis-à-vis the cultural centre and each other and highlighting the stratified heterogeneity of these groups. Access to, use of, and development of ICT skills tend to mirror the relative positions of these groups in terms of cultural centrality. Further, youth who retain close ties with traditional culture are less unlikely to develop facility with ICT.


2001 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 715-738 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joyce Green

This article explores the concept of citizenship in relation to certain Aboriginal women, whose membership in First Nations is subject to Canadian federal legislation and First Nations constitutions and membership codes. In the struggle for decolonization, Aboriginal peoples use the language of rights - rights to self-determination, and claims of fundamental human rights. The state has injected its limited policy of ''self-government'' into this conversation, characterized by the federal government's preference for delegating administrative powers to Indian Act bands. Since the 1985 Indian Act revisions, bands have been able to control their membership. Where prior to 1985 the federal government implemented sexist, racist legislation determining band membership, now some bands have racist, sexist membership codes. In both cases, the full citizenship capacity of affected Aboriginal women, in either the colonial state or in First Nations, is impaired. The bands in question resist criticism by invoking rights claims and traditional practices; the federal government washes its hands in deference to self-government. The rights claims of affected women are scarcely acknowledged, much less addressed. Meanwhile, their citizenship in both dominant and Aboriginal communities is negotiated with the realities of colonialism, racism and sexism. Their experience demonstrates the limitations of citizenship theory and of Canadian citizenship guarantees.


2021 ◽  
pp. 000169932110556
Author(s):  
Juta Kawalerowicz ◽  
Anders Hjorth-Trolle

In many European countries, a growing share of population with immigrant background coincides with the surge in support for radical right parties. In this paper we show how such increases affect radical right candidacy. We use Swedish register data which identifies political candidates. With geocoded data, we match individuals running for the Sweden Democrats to their local neighbourhood contexts, and measure changes in the share of visible minority residents at scales ranging from 100 meters to 2 kilometres. For those who stayed in the same neighbourhood between 2006 and 2010, the change in the share of visible minorities generally does not affect the decision to join the pool of party candidates. This result is robust when we introduce additional tests and select on the scale of the neighbourhood, unemployment terciles, change in share of visible minority groups terciles, and entry threshold into the pool of candidates. For those who stayed in the same neighbourhood, the only significant finding is a small mobilisation effect for a subsample of individuals who live in densely populated metropolitan neighbourhoods – here we also observe a halo effect, with negative association for small-scale changes and positive association for changes in the larger halo zone.


2003 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 630-659 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Swidinsky ◽  
Michael Swidinsky

Summary This article presents new evidence on the relative earnings of visible minority immigrant and native-born paid workers in Canada using data from the 1996 Census. Our findings show that labour market disadvantages associated with visible minority status are largely confined to immigrant men. The earnings deficits imputed to minority native-born men and immigrant women are fairly modest, and it appears that native-born women are paid a premium. Among immigrant men, labour market disadvantages are apparent primarily among those who were older when they arrived in Canada. There is some evidence that foreign work experience is relatively undervalued, but there is little evidence that immigrants receive lower compensation for foreign-based schooling. Finally, our analysis of individual ethnic minority groups reveals that Black men are most profoundly affected by labour market discrimination: The earnings deficit they must contend with is both significant and inter-generationally persistent.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 68
Author(s):  
Grace O’Brien

Historically, countries such as Australia, Canada and New Zealand have witnessed an increased over-representation of minority groups who are exposed to the criminal justice system. For many years in Australia, young First Nations males have been over-represented in the juvenile justice system in all states and territories. Many of these young males have disengaged from their schooling early, some through deliberate exclusion from the education system and others by choice. However, the choices for many young First Nations males may not be as clear cut as first might seem. This paper shows that over-representation in the juvenile justice system may be as a direct result of racial profiling, surveillance and over-policing of First Nations peoples within Australia. The literature addresses the ways in which young First Nations males experience these phenomena from an early age, and the long-term effects and consequences that can arise from these occurrences. An analysis of the current research both internationally and within Australia is thus conducted.


SAGE Open ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 215824402110168
Author(s):  
Warren Kealy-Bateman ◽  
Georgina M. Gorman ◽  
Adam P. Carroll

There is often a sociocultural distance between medical practitioners and patients. We bridge that gap in the therapeutic alliance via improved cultural competence and an understanding of the person in their context. The traditional approach in medical education has been of learning via expert-designed curricula, which may tend to mirror the knowledge and needs of the experts. This places individuals at risk who come from culturally and linguistically diverse groups (CALD) with known health disparities: minority groups (e.g., African American); First Nations’ people; immigrants and refugees; people who speak nondominant languages; and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender people. The authors briefly review the complex area of cultural competency and teaching delivery. The authors survey the Australian population to provide a tangible example of complex cultural diversity amid curriculum challenges. An evidence-based approach that recognizes specific health inequity; the inclusion of CALD stakeholders, students, care professionals, and education professionals; and codesign and coproduction of curriculum components is recommended. This method of people’s own stories and collaboration may be applied in any international context, correctly calibrating the learning experience. The aim is for medical students to improve their knowledge of self, others, others within groups, and recognition of unconscious biases to achieve better health outcomes within their specific communities.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document