scholarly journals Conflicts in the environment of Russian political emigration in Switzerland in 1870

10.33287/1195 ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 49-57
Author(s):  
Ю. І. Коломоєць

Russian political emigration from the beginning of its birth in the first half of the nineteenth century was constantly in search of forms and methods of struggle with royal power in the homeland. Detachment from Russia, the feeling of isolation that was inherent in emigration to the early twentieth century, were an important factor in the ongoing conflicts that took place in its environment. We note the conflicts between the «old» and the «young» emigration in the late 1860’s, between the Marxists and the populists of the 1880’s, between the revolutionary Marxists and the «economists» at the end of the 1890’s. All of these, as a rule, were due to excessive the ambitions of some leaders, the attempt to become the «rulers of ideas» for revolutionary youth, due to significant financial problems. In the list of these and similar conflicts there are events of 1870, when in the environment of political emigration there are two serious confrontations between the leader of anarchists M. Bakunin on the one hand and S. Nechaev or «Russian section of the First International» - on the other. These conflicts significantly influenced the situation in emigration, disorganized it, weakened the ability to fight the tsarist regime. They were accompanied by sharp accusations, searches for compromising materials, attempts to get support from leaders of the world revolutionary movement. The ambitions of young revolutionaries such as S. Nechaev or M. Utin were also connected with the attempt to take the main place among the emigrants, moving to the background of former leaders M. Bakunin, M. Ogarev, P. Lavrov. All this led to split in emigrant colonies, which consisted mainly of student youth. Violent discussions, accusations, boycotts became a hallmark of emigrant life. Basically, all these events took place in Switzerland, which at that time already became the center of not only Russian, but also international political emigration. Conflicts were directed at the political annihilation of the opponents, which subsequently resulted in the arrest and extradition to the Russian government of S. Nechaev in 1872, the cessation of the activities of the Russian Section of the First International and the return of M. Utin to Russia and the cessation of revolutionary activity in general. The positive side of these conflicts was the rallying of emigrants around their leaders, better information on the state of affairs in their environment, the development of new forms and methods of interaction and the strengthening of the role of revolutionaries from Russia itself.

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (44) ◽  
pp. 114-138
Author(s):  
Aleksei Rubtsov

The paper discusses the formation of ideas of the imperial bureaucracy about the revolutionary movement of the 1870s. This issue is being investigated through the prism of the attitude of investigative bodies to mass political actions. These acts were a relatively new phenomenon and therefore largely unexpected for the authorities in the political space of the Russian Empire. In this regard, the formation of a unified strategy in relation to such manifestations was accompanied by a series of disputes and conflicts between the departments involved in the investigation. The author analyzes, on the one hand, the positions of officials of the prosecutor’s office—which earned a new status after the reform of 1864—and police officials on the other. Particular attention is paid to elucidating the role of prosecutors in shaping public policy regarding the radical movement, since the importance of legality as a factor in the imperial political system has been strengthened in the context of reformed proceedings. In the end, the study concludes that the conflict between departments involved in ensuring public security arose in conditions when a largely legal struggle of opinions in power became possible. Moreover, the conflict between the two institutions of power turned out to also be a search for a compromise that would suit both sides.


1943 ◽  
Vol 3 (S1) ◽  
pp. 108-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert A. Brady

German imperial expansion, begun under Bismarck, swiftly unfolded with the aid of industrial technology along lines that adapted it ideally for the organization, not of a national state, but of a continent or even the world. In this fact lies a major contrast between the neo-mercantilism which followed 1879 and the cameralism borrowed from the Burgundians by the German princes in the sixteenth century. The system extolled by Becher was designed to meet the power needs of dwarf states perpetually torn, by a mule-and-the-two-haystacks dilemma, between the fractioning particularism of the lay princes on the one hand, and the centrifugal pull of a meaningless imperial universalism on the other. The ‘new age’ for which, as Schulze- Gavaernitz once remarked, Bismarck played the role of ‘obstetrician,’ employed a machinery for internal unification that fitted the national—in particular the German—state almost as badly as it did the political fractions of which it was compounded.


2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-259
Author(s):  
Joseph Acquisto

This essay examines a polemic between two Baudelaire critics of the 1930s, Jean Cassou and Benjamin Fondane, which centered on the relationship of poetry to progressive politics and metaphysics. I argue that a return to Baudelaire's poetry can yield insight into what seems like an impasse in Cassou and Fondane. Baudelaire provides the possibility of realigning metaphysics and politics so that poetry has the potential to become the space in which we can begin to think the two of them together, as opposed to seeing them in unresolvable tension. Or rather, the tension that Baudelaire animates between the two allows us a new way of thinking about the role of esthetics in moments of political crisis. We can in some ways see Baudelaire as responding, avant la lettre, to two of his early twentieth-century readers who correctly perceived his work as the space that breathes a new urgency into the questions of how modern poetry relates to the world from which it springs and in which it intervenes.


2019 ◽  
pp. 512-519
Author(s):  
Teymur Dzhalilov ◽  
Nikita Pivovarov

The published document is a part of the working record of The Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee on May 5, 1969. The employees of The Common Department of the CPSU Central Committee started writing such working records from the end of 1965. In contrast to the protocols, the working notes include speeches of the secretaries of the Central Committee, that allow to deeper analyze the reactions of the top party leadership, to understand their position regarding the political agenda. The peculiarity of the published document is that the Secretariat of the Central Committee did not deal with the most important foreign policy issues. It was the responsibility of the Politburo. However, it was at a meeting of the Secretariat of the Central Committee when Brezhnev raised the question of inviting G. Husák to Moscow. The latter replaced A. Dubček as the first Secretary of the Communist party of Czechoslovakia in April 1969. As follows from the document, Leonid Brezhnev tried to solve this issue at a meeting of the Politburo, but failed. However, even at the Secretariat of the Central Committee the Leonid Brezhnev’s initiative at the invitation of G. Husák was not supported. The published document reveals to us not only new facets in the mechanisms of decision-making in the CPSU Central Committee, the role of the Secretary General in this process, but also reflects the acute discussions within the Soviet government about the future of the world socialist systems.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172110026
Author(s):  
Kurt Weyland

Responding to Rueda’s questions, this essay explains the political-strategic approach (PSA) to populism and highlights its analytical strengths, which have become even more important with the emergence of populist governments across the world. PSA identifies populism’s core by emphasizing the central role of personalistic leaders who tend to operate in opportunistic ways, rather than consistently pursuing programmatic or ideological orientations. PSA is especially useful nowadays, when scholars’ most urgent task is to elucidate the political strategies of populist chief executives and their problematic repercussions, especially populism’s threat to democracy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 495-507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felice Cimatti

The tradition of Italian Thought – not the political one but the poetic and naturalistic one – finds in the philosophy of Gilles Deleuze a way to enter into the new century, the century of immanence and animality. In fact, Deleuze himself remained outside the main philosophical traditions of his own time (structuralism and phenomenology). The tradition to which Deleuze refers is the one that begins with Spinoza and ends with Nietzsche. It is an ontological tradition, which deals mainly with life and the world rather than with the human subject and knowledge. Finally, the text sketches a possible dialogue between Deleuze and the poet-philosopher Giacomo Leopardi, one of the most important (and still unknown) figures of Italian Thought.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hou Yuxin

Abstract The Wukan Incident attracted extensive attention both in China and around the world, and has been interpreted from many different perspectives. In both the media and academia, the focus has very much been on the temporal level of the Incident. The political and legal dimensions, as well as the implications of the Incident in terms of human rights have all been pored over. However, what all of these discussions have overlooked is the role played by religious force during the Incident. The village of Wukan has a history of over four hundred years, and is deeply influenced by the religious beliefs of its people. Within both the system of religious beliefs and in everyday life in the village, the divine immortal Zhenxiu Xianweng and the religious rite of casting shengbei have a powerful influence. In times of peace, Xianweng and casting shengbei work to bestow good fortune, wealth and longevity on both the village itself, and the individuals who live there. During the Wukan Incident, they had a harmonizing influence, and helped to unify and protect the people. Looking at the specific roles played by religion throughout the Wukan Incident will not only enable us to develop a more meaningful understanding of the cultural nature and the complexity of the Incident itself, it will also enrich our understanding, on a divine level, of innovations in social management.


2021 ◽  

Historians of political thought and international lawyers have both expanded their interest in the formation of the present global order. History, Politics, Law is the first express encounter between the two disciplines, juxtaposing their perspectives on questions of method and substance. The essays throw light on their approaches to the role of politics and the political in the history of the world beyond the single polity. They discuss the contrast between practice and theory as well as the role of conceptual and contextual analyses in both fields. Specific themes raised for both disciplines include statehood, empires and the role of international institutions, as well as the roles of economics, innovation and gender. The result is a vibrant cross-section of contrasts and parallels between the methods and practices of the two disciplines, demonstrating the many ways in which both can learn from each other.


2013 ◽  
pp. 60-79
Author(s):  
Flavio Silvestrini

The author traces, through articles written by Gramsci during the first year and a half of release of «L'Ordine Nuovo», the development of Factory Council's doctrine. Inspired by the voluntary initiatives in Turin factories, the young Sardinian processes, since the summer of 1919, a revolutionary theory gathered on the role of working-class institutions. The extensive task of the Factory, in a materially and spiritually devastated postwar industrial society, forces the political thinker to reshape the traditional functions of the two representative proletarian institutions: Labor Union and Political Party. Only rethinking about how they work, anchored in patterns typical of the bourgeois society, it's possible to lead to success the revolutionary movement of the most aware Italian workers: from Turin industries can arise the future construction of Italian Soviet republic that, after the victory of the Revolution in all countries, will be melted in international communist society.


2008 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irit Meir

AbstractThe morphological system of cardinal numerals in Modern Hebrew is currently undergoing rapid changes, enabling linguists to unravel the forces shaping the change as it takes place. In the free forms, gender marking on numerals is neutralized by collapsing both masculine and feminine forms into one paradigm, the feminine paradigm. In the bound (definite) forms, an opposite direction is attested, in that at least for some numerals, the masculine forms become more prevalent. The study reported here aims to determine whether the factor determining the change is prosodic or functional in nature, by eliciting production and grammaticality judgments of noun phrases containing bound numerals from five different age groups of native speakers. The results suggest that prosody plays a role in shaping the change, as forms with penultimate stress are favored over those with ultimate stress. In addition, processes of production and processes of grammaticality judgments seem to be subject to different kinds of constraints. This state of affairs indicates that the tension between the tendencies toward simplification on the one hand and maximal distinctness on the other occurs at the morphological level as well.


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