Democrazia operaia. La dottrina delle istituzioni rivoluzionarie nel Gramsci ordinovista

2013 ◽  
pp. 60-79
Author(s):  
Flavio Silvestrini

The author traces, through articles written by Gramsci during the first year and a half of release of «L'Ordine Nuovo», the development of Factory Council's doctrine. Inspired by the voluntary initiatives in Turin factories, the young Sardinian processes, since the summer of 1919, a revolutionary theory gathered on the role of working-class institutions. The extensive task of the Factory, in a materially and spiritually devastated postwar industrial society, forces the political thinker to reshape the traditional functions of the two representative proletarian institutions: Labor Union and Political Party. Only rethinking about how they work, anchored in patterns typical of the bourgeois society, it's possible to lead to success the revolutionary movement of the most aware Italian workers: from Turin industries can arise the future construction of Italian Soviet republic that, after the victory of the Revolution in all countries, will be melted in international communist society.

10.33287/1195 ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 49-57
Author(s):  
Ю. І. Коломоєць

Russian political emigration from the beginning of its birth in the first half of the nineteenth century was constantly in search of forms and methods of struggle with royal power in the homeland. Detachment from Russia, the feeling of isolation that was inherent in emigration to the early twentieth century, were an important factor in the ongoing conflicts that took place in its environment. We note the conflicts between the «old» and the «young» emigration in the late 1860’s, between the Marxists and the populists of the 1880’s, between the revolutionary Marxists and the «economists» at the end of the 1890’s. All of these, as a rule, were due to excessive the ambitions of some leaders, the attempt to become the «rulers of ideas» for revolutionary youth, due to significant financial problems. In the list of these and similar conflicts there are events of 1870, when in the environment of political emigration there are two serious confrontations between the leader of anarchists M. Bakunin on the one hand and S. Nechaev or «Russian section of the First International» - on the other. These conflicts significantly influenced the situation in emigration, disorganized it, weakened the ability to fight the tsarist regime. They were accompanied by sharp accusations, searches for compromising materials, attempts to get support from leaders of the world revolutionary movement. The ambitions of young revolutionaries such as S. Nechaev or M. Utin were also connected with the attempt to take the main place among the emigrants, moving to the background of former leaders M. Bakunin, M. Ogarev, P. Lavrov. All this led to split in emigrant colonies, which consisted mainly of student youth. Violent discussions, accusations, boycotts became a hallmark of emigrant life. Basically, all these events took place in Switzerland, which at that time already became the center of not only Russian, but also international political emigration. Conflicts were directed at the political annihilation of the opponents, which subsequently resulted in the arrest and extradition to the Russian government of S. Nechaev in 1872, the cessation of the activities of the Russian Section of the First International and the return of M. Utin to Russia and the cessation of revolutionary activity in general. The positive side of these conflicts was the rallying of emigrants around their leaders, better information on the state of affairs in their environment, the development of new forms and methods of interaction and the strengthening of the role of revolutionaries from Russia itself.


2003 ◽  
pp. 103-109
Author(s):  
V. Novikov

Historical optimism is a rather common belief in economics. It is often thought that a newly established theory (or society) is better than the previously prevailing one. The author doesn't share this view and finds it useful to discuss the role of the political economy of socialism in contemporary economics which was begun with the publication of the paper by A. Buzgalin in 2003, No 3. But the analysis of A. Buzgalin's arguments doesn't support his conclusion on possible usefulness of the political economy of socialism in the studies of post-industrial society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 322-336
Author(s):  
A G Kiselev ◽  
P N Kirichek

The article considers the trends of political communication under the social-cultural dynamics of post-industrial society; emphasizes the maximization of the political-communicative factor in accelerating social progress; assesses the role of political communicative systems in the causal complex of social transformations; describes the resources of political communication to solve the problems of organization and self-organization of public life; considers the constructive possibilities of political-communicative systems to optimize relations between the state and society on the democratic basis; identifies the role of political communication in the development of civil society. The authors describe two mega-elements in the political communication - mechanics (form) and socionics (content); provide an updated and expanded description of the object and subject of political communication in connection with its structural-functional arsenal (activity, semantic, normative and systemic); explain the optimal mode of information exchange between citizens through the channels of political communication - political discourse and its genres in the public sphere with an emphasis on television talk shows; assess the importance of the moral-ethical aspect for the political sector of public life; compare the same in essence and different in specifics ‘faces of power’ in connection with its functions. The article also identifies political-communicative conditions for the agreement (compromise) between the government and the people on socially significant issues; clarifies the ideological-technological features of the contemporary political communication; defines the “golden ratio” of communication in the political sphere - a managerial decision, and provides positive and negative examples of managerial decisions within the political-communicative transfer; emphasizes the need to construct a political-communicative process as a dialogue between the elite (government) and the masses (people).


Author(s):  
Mary G. Dietz

Florentine diplomat, dramatist and political thinker, Machiavelli’s treatise, Il principe (The Prince) (1532a), has earned him notoriety as a political immoralist (or at least an amoralist) and a teacher of evil. In The Prince, Machiavelli posits a complex relationship between ethics and politics that associates princely virtù with the capacity to know and act within the political world as it ‘is’, and with the beastly abilities to dispense violence and practise deception. Behind this argument dwells the distinctly Machiavellian insight that politics is a realm of appearances where the practice of moral or Christian virtues often results in a prince’s ruin, while knowing ‘how not to be good’ may result in greater security and wellbeing for both prince and people. Machiavelli warns that the prince’s possibilities for success in this matter are always mediated by fortune; hence the prudent prince is one who is prepared to resist fortune by adapting his procedure to the times and his nature to ‘the necessity of the case’. A less notorious but equally influential text is the Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Tito Livio (Discourses on the First Ten Books of Titus Livy) (1531), in which Machiavelli offers a defence of popular liberty and republican government that takes the ancient republic of Rome as its model and emphasizes the role of the people in the ‘public administration’ of the city. However, Machiavelli also argues that a republic is only as successful in self-governance as its citizens are infused with civic virtùand therefore not corrupted. Accordingly, he praises the work of political founders who craft republican laws and institutions, and religious founders who fuse God and patria as one in the people’s hearts. The apparent tension between Machiavelli’s republican sympathies in Discourses and his elitist proclivities in The Prince has helped to fuel a vast interpretive literature concerning his political attitudes, his theory of politics, and the nature and meaning of ‘machiavellianism’ in Western political thought.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (44) ◽  
pp. 114-138
Author(s):  
Aleksei Rubtsov

The paper discusses the formation of ideas of the imperial bureaucracy about the revolutionary movement of the 1870s. This issue is being investigated through the prism of the attitude of investigative bodies to mass political actions. These acts were a relatively new phenomenon and therefore largely unexpected for the authorities in the political space of the Russian Empire. In this regard, the formation of a unified strategy in relation to such manifestations was accompanied by a series of disputes and conflicts between the departments involved in the investigation. The author analyzes, on the one hand, the positions of officials of the prosecutor’s office—which earned a new status after the reform of 1864—and police officials on the other. Particular attention is paid to elucidating the role of prosecutors in shaping public policy regarding the radical movement, since the importance of legality as a factor in the imperial political system has been strengthened in the context of reformed proceedings. In the end, the study concludes that the conflict between departments involved in ensuring public security arose in conditions when a largely legal struggle of opinions in power became possible. Moreover, the conflict between the two institutions of power turned out to also be a search for a compromise that would suit both sides.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-85
Author(s):  
Claude Lefort

Claude Lefort’s ‘Dante’s Modernity’ presents a detailed and highly original interpretation of Dante’s Monarchia. Lefort casts Dante as the first political thinker with a concept of humanity defined as the whole of the human race, the first to imagine a universal society in political terms, and the first to reveal the formative role of force, of wars and division in the advent of such a political unity. Tracing the career of Dante’s innovations in the political thought and praxis of the succeeding centuries, Lefort then shows how what is ‘new’ in Dante cannot be separated from its later avatars — from the varied realizations, distortions, and misapplications it would inspire at later historical junctures. Any contemporary realization of the potential inherent in Dante’s innovative idea of sovereignty would require the project of ‘disentangling’ the links between universalism, imperialism, and nationalism that have been instituted in its name.


2019 ◽  
pp. 84-90
Author(s):  
Mykola Obushnyi

The article identifies the place and role of the political component in the conflictization of interconfessional relations in Ukraine by taking into consideration that the network of religious organizations in our country is one of the largest on the European continent. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the political component in the conflictization of interconfessional relations in Ukrainian Orthodoxy. During more than thousand years the Orthodoxy, despite the conflicts between the churches and their believers in past and present is still the most widespread Christian confession in Ukraine. Moreover, it saved a tendency to the inner unity, including creation of the Local Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU). Obtaining by the Orthodox Church of Ukraine on January 6, 2019 from the Ecumenical Patriarchate the Thomas was an important step in founding of independent and competent national church. This is also evidenced by the fact that during the first year of existing of the OCU the number of its parishes increase up to 7,000, not less important is the fact that three churches: The Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, the Hellenic Church and the Patriarchate of Alexandria recognized the OCU and this already testifies its international acceptance as the part of Orthodoxy. Undoubtedly, the Russian occupation of Crimea and Putin's war in Donbas and the support of these shameful actions by the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) and its Ukrainian branch, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (UOC MP) served to the political choices and self-identification of a big part of Ukrainian believers and it gives hope for the gradual stabilization (deconflictization) of interconfessional relations in the Ukrainian Orthodoxy.


Author(s):  
Jason G. Strange

The previous chapter focused on the role of literacy and schooling in creating “cultural division in a capitalist society”; this chapter focuses upon the role of labor and jobs. Beginning with an ethnographic description of work in a factory in eastern Kentucky, the chapter explores lower-tier jobs as a source of damage and limitation for workers, and poses the question of whether such jobs are inevitable in an industrial society. In answering that question, the chapter offers a primer on the political economy of capitalism and exploitation; contrasts low-quality jobs with professional, high-quality jobs; and discusses real-world alternatives to capitalism. The conclusion is that damaging jobs are mostly a side-effect of the ownership architecture of capitalism; they are not an unavoidable feature of industrial society.


1966 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-452 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily M. Nett

Emphasis today is on the political and economic factors in social change in undeveloped countries. This approach, combined with the wholehearted acceptance of the role of the middle class as a psychological leavening agent in such countries, tends to obscure the presence of other factors. Especially are there other categories of human beings who are responding to the forces put into play by world changes and by the increasing pressures exerted upon the social systems of which they are a part. Recently, some of these groups have been given more notice, such as students, intellectuals, labor union members, etc. Another such important category is the servant class which for the most part has been ignored and yet which appears significant, even though not as a political group, in terms of both the effects it has on changes being attempted in social organizations and on the personality development of nationals in such countries.


2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel A. Dickson ◽  
Colleen S. Conley ◽  
Kunal A. Patel ◽  
Daniel Cunningham

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