Family Patterns and Political Affirmation (945–1012)

With the fourth generation, the kinship group reached its maximum horizontal cognatic extension. Extensive parental relationships and the achievement of the rank of marquis allowed a wide-ranging capacity for action in a large part of the kingdom. The relationship with the royal power was then always fundamental, even in the Ottonian period. Political and relational developments are therefore investigated in the different areas of activity of the Hucpoldings, namely the duchy of Spoleto, march of Tuscany, exarchate of Ravenna and eastern Emilia, especially the territory of Bologna.

The Hucpoldings’ Involvement in the Political Struggles of the Kingdom of Italy (847–945)

The first part of the book is dedicated to the prosopographic reconstruction of the kinship group, and to the political context and relationships in which the members, both men and women, operated from the second half of the ninth century to the beginning of the twelfth. The first chapter examines the first century of the Hucpoldings in Italy. Fundamentally, it suggests that the criteria for the inclusion into the ranks of Carolingian elite in the Italian kingdom were a relationship with the royal power and the attainment of public offices in different areas of the kingdom, such as in the palace of the capital Pavia, eastern Emilia, the duchy of Spoleto or the marchese of Tuscany.

Russian Historical Studies in the Church-Public Debate about the Orthodox Parish. 1860-1910s

В статье рассматривается участие представителей отечественной исторической и историко-правовой науки в обсуждении «приходского вопроса» в 1860–1910-е гг. Реформа православного прихода в Российской империи была одной из самых остро дискутируемых тем, затрагивавших Церковь, общество и государство. В трудах ученых – П.В. Знаменского, М.М. Богословского, В.М. Верюжского, С.В. Юшкова – была воссоздана картина состояния и развития древнерусского прихода, описаны его место в земском самоуправлении, отношения с епархиальной и царской властью, положение клира. Книга П.В. Знаменского, созвучная с построениями славянофилов, оказала заметное влияние на общество. В начале ХХ в. научное сообщество не было едино в приходском вопросе, что давало возможность представителям разных общественных сил апеллировать к созвучной им позиции ученого или группы ученых. The article deals with the participation of representatives of the national historical and legal studies in the discussion of the “parish issue” in the 1860–1910s. The reform of the Orthodox parish in the Russian Empire was one of the most acutely debated topics, which affected the Church, society and the state. The author concludes that scholars were prominent in these discussions. In the works of P.V. Znamensky, M.M. Bogoslovsky, V.M. Veryuzhsky, S.V. Yushkov the picture was re-established of the status and development of the old Russian parish described as well as its place in the zemstvo self-government, the relationship with the diocesan and the Royal power, the situation of the clergy. P.V. Znamensky’s book was in tune with the Slavophiles ideas and had a significant impact on the press. In the early twentieth century, the scholarly community (especially the lawyers and canonists) itself was not united in the question of the parish issue. This gave an opportunity to representatives of different social forces to appeal to the position of a scholar (or a group of scholars), whose views were in tune with their public interests.

Royal Polis Policy in the Seleukid Heartland

<p>In the Hellenistic Period most of the Greek poleis (city-states) came under the control of the Greco-Macedonian kings. The ideology of the poleis, which stressed the importance of autonomy, conflicted with the reality of royal domination. In Western Asia Minor, this conflict was resolved by presenting the relationship between king and polis as one of free association, in which the poleis were allowed a large amount of autonomy. The kings used ideas of reciprocity to tie the poleis to them and worked to make their rule as amenable as possible, while the poleis of Western Asia Minor continued to aspire to complete independence. This was not the only possible resolution of the conflict between polis autonomy and royal dominance, however. In the Seleukid heartland of Syria and Mesopotamia the Seleukids founded and maintained new poleis. By means of names, myths, and symbols, the identities of these poleis were closely linked to the Seleukid dynasty. As a result, expressions of polis identity were expressions of loyalty to the dynasty, rather than of opposition. Their internal structures were based around an alliance between the royally-appointed epistatēs and the magistrates of the city, who represented a small civic elite. Royal support was thus important to the internal power structure of these poleis. The poleis of the Seleukid heartland did not pursue full independence, even when the Seleukid royal power collapsed at the end of the Hellenistic period because, entirely unlike the poleis of Western Asia Minor, submission to a higher power was a central part of their identities and internal structures.</p>

Royal Polis Policy in the Seleukid Heartland

<p>In the Hellenistic Period most of the Greek poleis (city-states) came under the control of the Greco-Macedonian kings. The ideology of the poleis, which stressed the importance of autonomy, conflicted with the reality of royal domination. In Western Asia Minor, this conflict was resolved by presenting the relationship between king and polis as one of free association, in which the poleis were allowed a large amount of autonomy. The kings used ideas of reciprocity to tie the poleis to them and worked to make their rule as amenable as possible, while the poleis of Western Asia Minor continued to aspire to complete independence. This was not the only possible resolution of the conflict between polis autonomy and royal dominance, however. In the Seleukid heartland of Syria and Mesopotamia the Seleukids founded and maintained new poleis. By means of names, myths, and symbols, the identities of these poleis were closely linked to the Seleukid dynasty. As a result, expressions of polis identity were expressions of loyalty to the dynasty, rather than of opposition. Their internal structures were based around an alliance between the royally-appointed epistatēs and the magistrates of the city, who represented a small civic elite. Royal support was thus important to the internal power structure of these poleis. The poleis of the Seleukid heartland did not pursue full independence, even when the Seleukid royal power collapsed at the end of the Hellenistic period because, entirely unlike the poleis of Western Asia Minor, submission to a higher power was a central part of their identities and internal structures.</p>

Conclusion

This concluding chapter elucidates the larger points which emerged over the preceding chapters. Memorial centres like Gandersheim and Quedlinburg were able to embody and articulate concepts of identity, dynasty, and legitimacy to a broad audience. In an environment where various members of a new dynasty were trying to assert their claim to royal power, the centres tied to the family of Henry I and Queen Mathilda were positioned at the heart of political conflicts amongst their descendants. The women of Gandersheim and Quedlinburg were not passive figures in these conflicts, but instead carefully deployed new historical texts to shape their relationships with Ottonian rulers and external patrons for their own benefit.

Patrons, Landscape, and Potlatch: Early Medieval Linear Earthworks in Britain and Bulgaria

Often seen as exceptional monuments, comparative analyses of linear earthworks are rare. Exploring Offa’s Dyke (Wales and England) and the Erkesiya (Bulgaria) as comparable expressions of authority in the early medieval landscape. This article is a revised and updated republication of an early study (Squatriti 2001), arguing that both linear monuments represent strategies to not only reflect, but actively create, royal power.