The Turn of the Offended

2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 101-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ainhoa Montoya
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
The State ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
State Transformation ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
Qualitative State ◽  
Conditions Of Possibility ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Right

This article explores how the affective dynamics involved in elections and routine politics might inform us about the conditions of possibility of specific political imaginaries. It builds upon research conducted during and after El Salvador's 2009 presidential election. Passions ran high among Salvadorans on both the left and the right that electoral season, as allusions to wartime elicited unsettled divisions and offenses. For many left-wing and disaffected Salvadorans, the victory of the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front—a former guerrilla organization—opened up a political horizon that had been closed during the post-war era. Salvadorans' post-election engagement with state officials and FMLN leaders through clientelist practices evidenced their desire for qualitative state transformation and the extent to which they conceive of themselves as citizens through the state.

scholarly journals ENTRE DOS DEMONIOS Y TRES VIOLENCIAS: LA ADMINISTRACIÓN ALFONSÍN Y LOS SENTIDOS DE LA MEMORIA DEL TERRORISMO DE ESTADO EN LA ARGENTINA CONTEMPORÁNEA

2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Juan Pablo Juan Pablo Angelone
Keyword(s):  
State Of The Art ◽  
The State ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
National Commission ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
State Terrorism ◽  
The Right

Resumen Sostenida particularmente durante la presidencia de Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989), la “teoría de los dos demonios es considerada la memoria hegemónica-dominante referida a la última dictadura cívico-militar argentina (1976-1983). A su vez, el Informe de la Comisión Nacional sobre la Desaparición de Personas (CONADEP) el “Nunca Más”, suele ser considerado una expresión de dicha memoria. Según nuestra hipótesis, el “Nunca Más” no suscribe la “teoría de los dos demonios” sino una memoria diferente aunque no antitética. El objetivo del presente trabajo consiste en caracterizar ambos conjuntos de representaciones con el fin de señalar las diferencias entre ellos. Nuestro corpus de análisis incluye como fuentes primarias los escritos y declaraciones de Alfonsín relativos al tema así como también el Prólogo del “Nunca Más” presentado en 1984. Dado que la autoría de este último es atribuida a Ernesto Sabato, presidente de la CONADEP, también se consideran algunas declaraciones del mencionado autor. Dichas fuentes primarias son históricamente contextualizadas a partir del uso de fuentes secundarias, dentro de las cuales incluimos el estado del arte relativo a la “teoría de los dos demonios”. Concluimos que si bien el planteo de Alfonsín y el Prólogo original del “Nunca Más” coinciden en el rechazo a la violencia como medio de expresión política, Alfonsín pone en un plano de igualdad a dos actores: el guerrillerismo izquierdista y el golpismo, mientras que el Prólogo critica tres modalidades de violencia: la guerrilla, el terrorismo paraestatal de derecha, actor no mencionado por Alfonsín, y el terrorismo dictatorial.  Between two demons and three violences: Alfonsín’s administration and the senses of the state terrorism memory in contemporary Argentina Abstract  Particularly held during Raul Alfonsín’s presidency (1983 – 1989), “the theory of the two demons” is considered the dominant-hegemonic memory referred to the last Argentine civic-military dictatorship (1976 – 1983). In turn, the report of the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons (CONADEP)- “Nunca Más” (Never Again) is usually considered an expression of the aforesaid memory. According to our hypothesis, “Nunca Más” does not subscribe to the “theory of the two demons” but to a different memory – though not antithetical. The aim of the current paper consists of characterizing both groups of representations in order to point out the differences between them. Our corpus of analysis includes as main sources Alfonsín’s documents and statements concerned with the issue, as well as the “Nunca Más” prologue, presented in 1984. Some statements of Ernesto Sabato, CONADEP’s president, are also considered due to the fact that the authorship of the latter work mentioned has been attributed to him. Such primary sources are historically contextualized from the use of secondary sources, which within we include the state of the art relative to “the theory of the two demons”. We conclude that even though Alfonsín’s proposal and the original “Nunca Más” prologue coincide in the rejection of violence as a means of political expression, Alfonsín places in an equal position two actors – the left-wing guerrilla and the coup – while the prologue criticizes 3 violence modalities: the guerrilla, the right-wing semi-official terrorism – actor not mentioned by Alfonsín – and the dictatorial terrorism. 

Losing (to) Misogynists

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kate Manne
Keyword(s):  
Social Psychology ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Male Counterpart ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Leadership Positions ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Protective Mechanisms ◽  
The Right

This final chapter applies the analysis of misogyny to the 2016 presidential election, in which Hillary Clinton was defeated by Donald Trump, despite the latter being vastly underqualified and temperamentally and morally unsuited to the position. There was also a great deal of misogyny directed toward Clinton not only by Trump and others on the right but also from left-wing sources. It is argued that much of this misogyny and even the outcome were to some extent predictable, on the basis of evidence of misogynistic biases against women who compete for male-dominated leadership positions. Research in social psychology shows that, when a woman cannot be judged less competent than her male counterpart in such contexts, many people will hold that, although they are equally competent, she is less likable than he is. Women are just as likely as men to reject high-achieving women in this manner, due to ego-protective mechanisms.

The end of an ideology? Right-wing antisemitism in France, 1944–1970

1994 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 365-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard C. Vinen
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Jewish Population ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Arab Nationalism ◽  
German Occupation ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Presidential Election Campaign

ABSTRACTIt is normally assumed that antisemitism in post-war France needs to be understood primarily in the light of the German occupation of 1940–4. This article seeks to describe the relationship between political antisemitism and events after 1945. Special attention is given to the issue that obsessed a large part of the French right: the loss of Algeria. It is argued that between 1954 and 1962 right-wingers came to took on the Jewish population of Algeria, which was often fervently opposed to French withdrawal, with new favour. Furthermore, many right-wingers began to admire Israel, which seemed so successful in combating Arab nationalism and which was widely believed to have links with the Organisation de l' Arméte Secrète. Changes in attitudes to Israel and the Jews were linked with a wider change in the French right that had been going on since 1945: most of the right now focused their loyalties around ‘l' occident’ a block of nations led by America and including Israel rather than around the France that was so important to Gaullist thinking. Finally, an attempt is made to show how the French right's new attitude to the Jews influenced its reaction to the 1965 Presidential election campaign, de Gaulle's denunciation of Israel in 1967 and the student riots of 1968.

scholarly journals Political ideology in the legislation of the UkrSSR 1950–1960: anthropological aspect

2020 ◽  
pp. 128-137
Author(s):  
Muzyka Iryna
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
The State ◽  
Entire Population ◽  
The Status ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Masses

In modern legal science, the anthropological approach that makes it possible to investigate, in particular, the orientation of the right to the human problem in law becomes of great relevance. In the perspective of legal anthropology, an important issue is the status of a person in the state mechanism (the place of the person in the hierarchy of values, the scope and guarantees of his rights and freedoms, the duties of the person) within the relation of state-centrism and anthropocentrism in the normative acts of the UkrSSR authorities of the post-war period. The draft Constitution of the UkrSSR in 1964 provided for a change in the legal status of the inpidual in the UkrSSR. For the first time in the history of "Soviet constitutional law" the concept of "freedom of the inpidual" was introduced, the whole complex of citizens' rights was revised, some new categories of rights were introduced, such as the supreme and fundamental human rights, the mechanism of their guarantees by society and the state was first laid. It was envisaged to consolidate various forms of direct exercise of political power by citizens, to create new forms of influence of citizens on the state power in general. Thus, in the early 1960s, the Soviet state had the potential to change qualitatively if the new UkrSSR Constitution was adopted. Therefore, the dismissal of MS Khrushchev from the duties of the First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR appears to be conditioned, including, by the radical significance of the Constitutional project, which has never been adopted. It is possible to draw the following conclusion: in the period under study in the UkrSSR (as well as the USSR), the center of legal reality was not the person, but the norms of legal prescriptions of the state, formulated on the basis of political and ideological doctrine developed by the leadership of the CPSU – Communist Party. It is possible to characterize the status of a person under the legislation of 1950–1960 as a result of the implementation in the normative acts of political and ideological guidelines of the leadership of the CPSU – CPU. According to the communist ideology of that time, the life of society was regarded as the existence of the entire population of inpiduals, masses of people, and therefore the decisive role in the life of society belongs not to inpidual inpiduals, but to their entire population. This meant a significant overriding of the "necessary" relative to the "freedom" of man, that is, the interests of party-state leadership, collective interests over the interests of the inpidual; the non-recognition of the inpidual sovereignty of a person who was largely considered part of the collective subject – the "masses"; lack of reconciliation of interests of inpiduals and the state, which in many cases gave rise to conflict situations.

scholarly journals The Daniel Ortega’s victory at the Nicaragua presidential election 2016 and perspectives of the construction of the Nicaraguan Channel

2017 ◽  
pp. 50-55
Author(s):  
Georgui Kolarov
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Vice President ◽  
International Community ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
The Family ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
Ruling Party

The fourth victory of Daniel Ortega and the Sandinist National Liberation Front (SNLF) (presidential election 2016, Nicaragua) secured a nickname “ the Family” among his close circle and the leadership of the Front. In addition, his in uential spouse, Mrs. Rosario Maurillo, who was nominated for vice-president, received the second most important governmental post. Presidential couple and the leadership of SNLF hold a tight grip on the governance of the country irrespective of fact, that the majority of ex-companions joined opposition and founded the Sandinist Renovation Movement (SRM). Uncompromising position taken by the former “ comandantes” towards ‘’the Family’’ undermines the legitimacy of the ruling party in the eyes of the international community. This, however, cannot in uence the further consolidation of power in the hands of ‘’the Family’’

SUBVERSIÓN Y COERCIÓN: izquierdas y derechas en los inicios de la democracia chilena del siglo XX

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (21) ◽  
pp. 172-194
Author(s):  
VERÓNICA VALDIVIA ORTIZ DE ZáRATE
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right

Resumen: El artá­culo analiza el debate entre las nacientes izquierdas y derechas chilenas respecto de los dispositivos coercitivos estatales, en el marco de la crisis de dominación oligárquica y la redefinición del Estado. Siguiendo las interpretaciones que cuestionan la tesis democratizadora del paá­s, a partir de la Constitución de 1925, este trabajo evalúa la posición de las orgánicas de trabajadores, ligados al marxismo y al anarquismo, como de liberales y conservadores, respecto de los cambios que sufrió el aparato estatal en materia de derechos ciudadanos y de coerción. Nuestra hipótesis es que el reconocimiento de derechos sociales, económicos y polá­ticos a clases medias y obreros, que abrió paso a la democratización, estuvo sostenido en la redefinición de los dispositivos coercitivos del Estado, influyendo en la definición de izquierdas y derechas.  Palabras clave:  Izquierdas. Derechas. Represión.SUBVERSION AND COERCION:  The Left and the Right in the Dawn of Chile”™s 20th-Century DemocracyAbstract: This paper examines the debate between the emerging right- and left-wing parties in Chile in regard to the State”™s repressive devices, within the context of the crisis of oligarchic domination and its subsequent redefinition of the State. Sharing those interpretations that contest the supposed democratization of the country as a result of the 1925 Constitution, the article assesses the stance adopted by the working-class organizations linked to Marxist and anarchist positions, as well as by liberals and conservatives, in relation to the changes undergone by the State apparatus in the fields of civil rights and coercion. Our hypothesis is that the recognition of social, economic and political rights for the middle and working classes, which paved the way towards a more effective democracy, stood upon the redefinition of the State”™s coercive devices, influencing the definition of Right and Left.Keywords: Left Wing. Right Wing. Repression.  SUBVERSAO E COERCAO:  esquerdas e direitas nos iná­cios da democracia chilena do século XXResumo: O artigo analisa o debate entre as nascentes esquerdas e direitas chilenas nas suas relações com os dispositivos repressivos estatais inseridos no contexto da crise de dominação oligárquica e da renovação do Estado. Compartilhando as interpretações que questionam a tese da suposta democratização do paá­s após a Constituição de 1925, este trabalho avalia a perspectiva das organizações operárias vinculadas ao marxismo e ao anarquismo, bem como as posições dos liberais e conservadores a respeito das mudanças que sofreu o aparelho estatal em matéria de direitos cidadãos e coerção. Partimos da hipótese de que o reconhecimento dos direitos sociais, econômicos e polá­ticos das classes médias e operárias que possibilitou a democratização, sustentou-se na redefinição dos dispositivos coercitivos do Estado e influenciou na definição das organizações como de esquerda ou de direita.Palavras-chave:  Esquerdas. Direitas. Repressão.

scholarly journals Report on the state of the library of the Society of Physicians at the Imperial Kazan University for 1909

1910 ◽  
Vol 10 (7-8) ◽  
pp. a73-a76
Keyword(s):  
Annual Meeting ◽  
The State ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Main Building ◽  
The Right ◽  
The University ◽  
Eastern Half

Report on the state of the library of the Society of Physicians at the Imperial Kazan University for 1909.(Read in the annual meeting of the Society on February 6, 1910).The 1909th year should be marked in the life of the library of our Society with two encouraging facts: the transition to a permanent place for it in the main building of the university and the restoration of the library in order.As I have already indicated earlier, for the library of our Society by the Council of the University, at the request of our Chairman, prof. N.A. Gerken, was allocated according to the plan, approved by the Trustee of the District, was placed in the newly rebuilt inside the eastern half (left "wing") of the main building of the university, in the upper, 3rd floor, among the premises of the Zootomy Cabinet, the head of the ... E.K. Meyer, 7th and 8th rooms of the study, in the right end.

scholarly journals Rebuilding the Future: C. A. Doxiadis and the Greek Reconstruction Effort (1945-1950)

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 135
Author(s):  
Andreas Kakridis
Keyword(s):  
Left Wing ◽  
War Economy ◽  
Economic Progress ◽  
Reconstruction Effort ◽  
The Future ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
Post War ◽  
New Institutions ◽  
The Right ◽  
Senior Civil Servant

<p>The importance of ideas – and the individuals propagating them – is enhanced at times of crisis. When existing arrangements are challenged, new ideas help reconfigure group interests and alliances, forge new institutions and plan the future. This paper looks at one such set of ideas, born in response to the crisis facing Greece’s post-war economy: the views of Constantinos Doxiadis, an architect, senior civil servant and policy-maker active in Greece’s recovery programme. Drawing on policy documents, publications and memoranda, the paper sketches the values, intellectual influences and methods underpinning Doxiadis’ views on reconstruction. This casts light on the origins of his later proposals for a science of ekistics, whilst also undermining the conventional notion that left-wing theorists were alone in advancing progressive views of Greek development before 1947. In fact, Doxiadis’ vision seeks to transcend the Right–Left divide by presenting economic progress as an apolitical, scientific process, which would render ideology irrelevant. Such views owe much to the intellectual tradition of interwar technocracy and played a key role in shaping the concept of economic development after 1945.</p>

Authoritarian Traits as Predictors of Preference for Candidates in 1980 United States Presidential Election

1980 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 416-418 ◽  
Author(s):  
William D. Brant ◽  
Alfonso Batres ◽  
Ron Hays
Keyword(s):  
Social Psychology ◽  
United States ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Reliability And Validity ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Data Support ◽  
The Right

Responses of 42 males and 42 females to a questionnaire containing items from the dogmatism and F scales showed the right-wing candidate supporters were higher on authoritarianism than adherents of either moderate Republicans or President Carter; left-wing liberal candidate supporters were lowest. Data support the findings of previous research, attest to the reliability and validity of both the D scale and F scale, are consistent with the contention that the D scale is confounded by political ideology, and are inconsistent with Gergen's contention that findings in social psychology are a function of history.

World War I and British Left Wing Intellectuals: The Case of Leonard T. Hobhouse

1973 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 261-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold Smith
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Military Service ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Post War ◽  
Extension Of State ◽  
The Right ◽  
Military Victory

World War I brought about a crisis within the British Liberal Party for it confronted Liberals with issues which they found difficult to resolve on the basis of traditional liberal principles. On numerous occasions, Liberals were placed in situations in which they were forced to choose between liberal principles and illiberal measures which were necessary for the effective prosecution of the war. The dilemma of whether or not to support British involvement in the war was a painful one which many Liberals would have preferred to avoid, and it was followed by other scarcely less painful decisions involving conscription, the extension of state controls over the economy, freedom of expression and personal liberties, the future of free trade, the right to refuse military service on the ground of conscientious objection, and the larger problem of whether to seek military victory or a negotiated peace.The effect of the war on those Radical Liberal intellectuals who comprised an important segment of the left-wing of the Liberal Party was especially profound. Although they were not a highly organized group before 1914, there did exist a number of Radical Liberals who were bound together by their common agreement on the overriding importance of a “pacifistic” foreign policy and additional measures of social reform. This loose coalition of Radical Liberals was shattered by the war, for a large proportion of the group supported the war while others did not. Moreover, the issues generated by the war tended to drive the dissenting Radicals further to the Left, while the conservative assumptions of pro-war Radical Liberals became more prominent. By the end of the war the gulf between the two factions of Radical Liberals had become a deep chasm, and in the post-war years the division became a permanent one; many of those who had been dissenters during the war joined the Labour Party, while pro-war Radical Liberals tended either to remain in the Liberal Party or adopt an independent position.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document