scholarly journals Report on the state of the library of the Society of Physicians at the Imperial Kazan University for 1909

1910 ◽  
Vol 10 (7-8) ◽  
pp. a73-a76

Report on the state of the library of the Society of Physicians at the Imperial Kazan University for 1909.(Read in the annual meeting of the Society on February 6, 1910).The 1909th year should be marked in the life of the library of our Society with two encouraging facts: the transition to a permanent place for it in the main building of the university and the restoration of the library in order.As I have already indicated earlier, for the library of our Society by the Council of the University, at the request of our Chairman, prof. N.A. Gerken, was allocated according to the plan, approved by the Trustee of the District, was placed in the newly rebuilt inside the eastern half (left "wing") of the main building of the university, in the upper, 3rd floor, among the premises of the Zootomy Cabinet, the head of the ... E.K. Meyer, 7th and 8th rooms of the study, in the right end.

2020 ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Wanda Łuczak

Establishment of the National Higher Teacher Training College (WSP) and an attempt to merge it with the Jagiellonian University in 1956 After the Second World War, the Jagiellonian University lost its autonomy and the state authorities destroyed its structures by separating the departments and creating new universities out of them. Independently, in 1946, the National Higher Teacher Training College in Krakow was established. In 1954, it received the right to run a master’s course. The quality of education in WSP was assessed negatively by the Jagiellonian University. In turn, the WSP authoritiesclaimed that their school provided better training for future teachers. At the beginning of the 1950s, some reservations were voiced as to the grounds for the existence of higher teacher training schools due to overlaps with the university curriculum. In 1956, the state authorities decided to close some of these colleges. WSP was to be merged with the Jagiellonian University. A meeting was organized at the Jagiellonian University in April 1956, where representatives of the Ministry of Higher Education, the Jagiellonian University and WSP discussed the merger. However, the meeting didn’t yield the expected results due to the firm objection on the part of WSP. The opportunity to strengthen the Jagiellonian University’s position by merging with WSP was ultimately lost.


Author(s):  
Barbara Henry

Francesco De Sanctis was a literary critic and historian of Italian literature. He is best remembered for his major work, Storia della letteratura italiana (History of Italian Literature), and as a Hegel scholar, reformer and professor at the University of Naples, politician and militant patriot. Commentators are unanimous that De Sanctis’s biographical and intellectual life comprised two inseparable strands, the literary and the political. For this reason all his writings, even the more narrowly literary critical ones, must be read from the point of view of his commitment to promoting the moral and institutional renewal of Italian society. His Storia della letteratura italiana is the ‘civil history’ of Italy. De Sanctis, actively militant on both the Right and Left, defined his position as ‘moderate left-wing, in politics as in art’.


2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Juan Pablo Juan Pablo Angelone

Resumen Sostenida particularmente durante la presidencia de Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989), la “teoría de los dos demonios es considerada la memoria hegemónica-dominante referida a la última dictadura cívico-militar argentina (1976-1983). A su vez, el Informe de la Comisión Nacional sobre la Desaparición de Personas (CONADEP) el “Nunca Más”, suele ser considerado una expresión de dicha memoria. Según nuestra hipótesis, el “Nunca Más” no suscribe la “teoría de los dos demonios” sino una memoria diferente aunque no antitética. El objetivo del presente trabajo consiste en caracterizar ambos conjuntos de representaciones con el fin de señalar las diferencias entre ellos. Nuestro corpus de análisis incluye como fuentes primarias los escritos y declaraciones de Alfonsín relativos al tema así como también el Prólogo del “Nunca Más” presentado en 1984. Dado que la autoría de este último es atribuida a Ernesto Sabato, presidente de la CONADEP, también se consideran algunas declaraciones del mencionado autor. Dichas fuentes primarias son históricamente contextualizadas a partir del uso de fuentes secundarias, dentro de las cuales incluimos el estado del arte relativo a la “teoría de los dos demonios”. Concluimos que si bien el planteo de Alfonsín y el Prólogo original del “Nunca Más” coinciden en el rechazo a la violencia como medio de expresión política, Alfonsín pone en un plano de igualdad a dos actores: el guerrillerismo izquierdista y el golpismo, mientras que el Prólogo critica tres modalidades de violencia: la guerrilla, el terrorismo paraestatal de derecha, actor no mencionado por Alfonsín, y el terrorismo dictatorial.  Between two demons and three violences: Alfonsín’s administration and the senses of the state terrorism memory in contemporary Argentina Abstract  Particularly held during Raul Alfonsín’s presidency (1983 – 1989), “the theory of the two demons” is considered the dominant-hegemonic memory referred to the last Argentine civic-military dictatorship (1976 – 1983). In turn, the report of the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons (CONADEP)- “Nunca Más” (Never Again) is usually considered an expression of the aforesaid memory. According to our hypothesis, “Nunca Más” does not subscribe to the “theory of the two demons” but to a different memory – though not antithetical. The aim of the current paper consists of characterizing both groups of representations in order to point out the differences between them. Our corpus of analysis includes as main sources Alfonsín’s documents and statements concerned with the issue, as well as the “Nunca Más” prologue, presented in 1984. Some statements of Ernesto Sabato, CONADEP’s president, are also considered due to the fact that the authorship of the latter work mentioned has been attributed to him. Such primary sources are historically contextualized from the use of secondary sources, which within we include the state of the art relative to “the theory of the two demons”. We conclude that even though Alfonsín’s proposal and the original “Nunca Más” prologue coincide in the rejection of violence as a means of political expression, Alfonsín places in an equal position two actors – the left-wing guerrilla and the coup – while the prologue criticizes 3 violence modalities: the guerrilla, the right-wing semi-official terrorism – actor not mentioned by Alfonsín – and the dictatorial terrorism. 


Author(s):  
J. N. Carruthers

A brief reference to the state of opinion concerning the water movements off S.W. England is made. Then a series of Drift Indicator records relating to 28 days of observation at 6 fathoms depth from the Seven Stones Lightvessel is presented and discussed. An overall flow of water towards the S.E. quadrant and of speed approaching 2 miles per day characterised the entire period. The residual current as worked out for the individual records, displayed considerable variation in speed and direction—setting as frequently towards the northern half of the compass as towards the southern, but more frequently towards the eastern half than towards the western half. There were pronounced changes in the wind speed and direction, and it appears as though the wind can drive the water at 6 fathoms depth towards a point to the right of its own direction, no matter from which of the four quadrants it blows.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Minnette A. Bumpus

Theoretical basis The primary topics, in this case, align well with social processes relative to communication and decision-making, and with individual processes relative to fairness in the workplace. Research methodology The case was developed from secondary sources. The secondary sources included news reports, and university sources (i.e. e-mails, announcements, reports, town hall meetings). This descriptive case has been classroom tested in an undergraduate organizational behavior course. Case overview/synopsis On September 10, 2020, the president of Bowie State University, Dr Aminta H. Breaux, announced that the university needed to “take a number of steps, including a temporary salary reduction plan, to close the FY21 funding gap and position the university for continued budget challenges” (Exhibit 1) triggered by the economic impact of COVID-19 on the state of Maryland. Some of the faculty members’ reactions to this announcement included shock and disappointment. Reflecting on what led to the state appropriation reductions, why would faculty members be shocked by President Breaux’s announcement of temporary salary reductions? Did President Breaux make the right decision, and was it communicated appropriately? Complexity academic level This descriptive case is most appropriate for undergraduate level organizational behavior courses.


2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 101-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ainhoa Montoya

This article explores how the affective dynamics involved in elections and routine politics might inform us about the conditions of possibility of specific political imaginaries. It builds upon research conducted during and after El Salvador's 2009 presidential election. Passions ran high among Salvadorans on both the left and the right that electoral season, as allusions to wartime elicited unsettled divisions and offenses. For many left-wing and disaffected Salvadorans, the victory of the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front—a former guerrilla organization—opened up a political horizon that had been closed during the post-war era. Salvadorans' post-election engagement with state officials and FMLN leaders through clientelist practices evidenced their desire for qualitative state transformation and the extent to which they conceive of themselves as citizens through the state.


1908 ◽  
Vol 8 (1-2) ◽  
pp. a36-a46
Author(s):  
M. Kazanskiy

In June 1905, the library of the Society, along with many other institutions, was transferred, by order of the University Board, from the main building of the University to the building of the former student hostel, which is on the Arsk field, so far from the University! And again, thus, the library of our Society experienced the cruel vicissitudes of its fate. I involuntarily recall the unenviable history of our library, which I told about in my article: The library of the Kazan Society of Physicians for 25 years of its existence (1868-1895), published in the Diary of our Society of Physicians for 1895, issue. II: "Twenty-five Years of the Society of Physicians at the Imperial Kazan University". Let me give you a brief history of the ordeal of our library.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (21) ◽  
pp. 172-194
Author(s):  
VERÓNICA VALDIVIA ORTIZ DE ZáRATE

Resumen: El artá­culo analiza el debate entre las nacientes izquierdas y derechas chilenas respecto de los dispositivos coercitivos estatales, en el marco de la crisis de dominación oligárquica y la redefinición del Estado. Siguiendo las interpretaciones que cuestionan la tesis democratizadora del paá­s, a partir de la Constitución de 1925, este trabajo evalúa la posición de las orgánicas de trabajadores, ligados al marxismo y al anarquismo, como de liberales y conservadores, respecto de los cambios que sufrió el aparato estatal en materia de derechos ciudadanos y de coerción. Nuestra hipótesis es que el reconocimiento de derechos sociales, económicos y polá­ticos a clases medias y obreros, que abrió paso a la democratización, estuvo sostenido en la redefinición de los dispositivos coercitivos del Estado, influyendo en la definición de izquierdas y derechas.  Palabras clave:  Izquierdas. Derechas. Represión.SUBVERSION AND COERCION:  The Left and the Right in the Dawn of Chile”™s 20th-Century DemocracyAbstract: This paper examines the debate between the emerging right- and left-wing parties in Chile in regard to the State”™s repressive devices, within the context of the crisis of oligarchic domination and its subsequent redefinition of the State. Sharing those interpretations that contest the supposed democratization of the country as a result of the 1925 Constitution, the article assesses the stance adopted by the working-class organizations linked to Marxist and anarchist positions, as well as by liberals and conservatives, in relation to the changes undergone by the State apparatus in the fields of civil rights and coercion. Our hypothesis is that the recognition of social, economic and political rights for the middle and working classes, which paved the way towards a more effective democracy, stood upon the redefinition of the State”™s coercive devices, influencing the definition of Right and Left.Keywords: Left Wing. Right Wing. Repression.  SUBVERSAO E COERCAO:  esquerdas e direitas nos iná­cios da democracia chilena do século XXResumo: O artigo analisa o debate entre as nascentes esquerdas e direitas chilenas nas suas relações com os dispositivos repressivos estatais inseridos no contexto da crise de dominação oligárquica e da renovação do Estado. Compartilhando as interpretações que questionam a tese da suposta democratização do paá­s após a Constituição de 1925, este trabalho avalia a perspectiva das organizações operárias vinculadas ao marxismo e ao anarquismo, bem como as posições dos liberais e conservadores a respeito das mudanças que sofreu o aparelho estatal em matéria de direitos cidadãos e coerção. Partimos da hipótese de que o reconhecimento dos direitos sociais, econômicos e polá­ticos das classes médias e operárias que possibilitou a democratização, sustentou-se na redefinição dos dispositivos coercitivos do Estado e influenciou na definição das organizações como de esquerda ou de direita.Palavras-chave:  Esquerdas. Direitas. Repressão.


1992 ◽  
Vol 8 (29) ◽  
pp. 62-69
Author(s):  
Steve Nicholson

In theatrical parlance, ‘political’ is often taken to be synonymous with ‘left-wing’, and research into political theatre movements of the first half of this century has perpetuated the assumption that the right has generally avoided taking politics as subject matter. This article, the first of two about British political theatre in the 1920s, concentrates on plays about Communism and the Soviet Union during the decade following the Russian Revolution, and offers some contrasting conclusions. Steve Nicholson, Lecturer in Drama at the Workshop Theatre of the University of Leeds, argues that, whether such plays shaped or merely reflected conventional views, they were used by the establishment for the most blatant and explicit propaganda, at a time when it felt itself under threat from the Left. The article has been researched largely through unpublished manuscripts in the Lord Chamberlain's collection of plays, housed in the British Library, and derives from a broader study of the portrayal of Communism in the British theatre from 1917 to 1945.


2000 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 445-463 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fenwick W. English

In an invited address at the 1999 annual meeting of AERA, Joseph Murphy called for “a new center of gravity for the profession” of educational administration. This “call” was later issued as a formal publication of the University Council of Educational Administration. This article is a critical appraisal of Murphy's portrayal and analysis of the state of educational administration.


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