THE IMPLEMENTATION OF AUTONOMOUS REGION IN MUSLIM MINDANAO (ARMM) PROGRAMS AND PROJECTS FOR MORO NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT (MNLF) COMMUNITY IN MAGUINDANAO PROVINCE

This study aims to determine the ARMM programs and projects implementation to MNLF identified communities in the province of Maguindanao during the year periods of 2013 to 2017. Specifically, this study attempts to determine the programs and projects of ARMM to MNLF identified communities; how the implementing offices and agencies of ARMM implement these programs and projects to the MNLF-respondents; the extent of benefits do MNLF respondents have obtained from these programs and projects in terms of: (a) Livelihood (b) Health and (c) education; the problems encountered by the MNLF-respondents during the implementation of these programs and projects; and the prepared alternatives/solutions to these problems. This study further used the combination of “Quantitative and Qualitative” analysis of data. The respondents were the MNLF-Field Commanders and identified MNLF community leaders in Maguindanao Province. The Purposive Sampling was used because only One Hundred Fifty-Six (156) MNLF Commanders and Leaders under Prof. Nur Misuari were used as sample respondents. The findings show that there are serious problems that need to be addressed by the national government on the implementation of the MOU signed by the OIC-GPh-MNLF tripartite process structure to monitor the implementation of the 1996 Peace Agreement and the security, governance, economic activities, including the delivery of social services in the conflict-affected areas. Thus, the government specially, ARMM is tasked to formulate and oversee programs and projects implementation in the cities, provinces and municipalities to improve the lives of the Moros and MNLF combatants regardless of race, tribes and group or faction organization affiliation. Hence as concluded further, various socio-economic activities of the ARMM government found out failed or maybe failed again. Keywords: Implementation, Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), Programs and Projects, Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), Maguindanao Province

The support of urban movement in Sai Gon - Gia Dinh to the Provisional Revolution Government’s viewpoint at the Paris Negotiation (1970-1971)

The urban movement, a type of political struggles of people in Southern Vietnam, played an important role in the anti-American resistance of Vietnam. The present article presented aspects in the support of the urban movement in Sai Gon - Gia Dinh to the Provisional Revolution Goverment's viewpoint at the Paris Negotiation (1970-1971) by using the printed materials of the Republic of Vietnam collected from Vietnam National Archives II and the reliable published-materials. In fact, after being established, the Provisional Revolution Government replaced the role of the National Liberation Front at the Paris Negotiation and showed the viewpoint via the Eight-Point Solution, the Three-Point Statement, and the Seven-Point Programme for two years between 1970 and 1971. At the same time, the urban movement in Sai Gon - Gia Dinh had a strong development, and took place with various types, including student movements, intellectual movements, and worker movements. The development of the urban movement supported the Provisional Revolution Government viewpoint of peace, increasing the strength of the diplomatic struggle and driving the US and Sai Gon Government into the strongly isolated situation. This paper also shows the influence of the Provisional Revolution Government on the urban movement in Sai Gon - Gia Dinh.

‘Astounding it is, what Lidice carries’: The transport of Czechoslovak weapons for the Algerian National Liberation Front in 1959

This article describes the detention in 1959 of the Czechoslovak ship Lidice, which was carrying weapons for the Algerian National Liberation Front, by the French Navy. Using documents from Czech archives, the study offers insights into this affair from two perspectives: first, that of the shipmaster and the officer for political affairs, who were aboard the ship during the detention; and second, that of the highest governmental and Communist Party authorities in Prague, which were concerned with the diplomatic and political aspects of the case.

New law threatens democracy in Nicaragua

Significance The legislation has been denounced by the opposition, which claims its provisions could be used to prevent particular individuals from standing for office. The law, in conjunction with several others approved recently, appears to be an attempt by the ruling Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional (Sandinista National Liberation Front, FSLN) to crack down on opponents ahead of November’s general elections. Impacts Incoming US President Joe Biden will maintain economic pressure on the government alongside a renewed push for diplomatic engagement. The successful acquisition and rollout of COVID-19 vaccines will be a key test for the government and could greatly affect its popularity. Any moves to bar opposition political parties would spark a domestic and international outcry, risking renewed unrest.

Remembering the Return from Exodus: An Analysis of a Salvadoran Community’s Local History Reenactment

On June 20, 1986, amid the 12-year civil war in El Salvador (1980–1992), a group of displaced Salvadorans from the northern department of Chalatenango declared San José las Flores their home. As the war between the Salvadoran army and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) intensified in rural areas, many people left to find refuge in other parts of the country. Since the FMLN had an active presence in Chalatenango, the Salvadoran military bombed this region frequently, which transformed las Flores into a ghost town by 1984. Those Salvadorans who decided to hide instead of leaving the country or even the region faced treacherous conditions as they trekked through the mountainous terrain of Chalatenango fleeing from military operations. By 1986, many of these Salvadorans emerged from their precarious living to demand their right to live in San José las Flores. More than three decades after the repopulation of the town, and more than two decades since the signing of the peace accords, residents of las Flores continue to celebrate their history, without fail, every year, bearing witness to a reenactment of the events that led to their town’s repopulation. This article examines these anniversaries, especially its 30th anniversary in 2016, to understand how the town remembers, interprets, and transforms their local history. What prompts residents of las Flores to relive these events? How is social memory and trauma transmitted to the diverse audience in attendance? What does reenactment have to do with collective memory? This article argues that the performance of the repopulation of las Flores, enacted by former guerrilla soldiers, survivors of the war, and their children and grandchildren, demonstrates how the history, memories, and values of this town are transmitted from generation to generation. In Diana Taylor’s words, they remember their collective suffering, challenges, and triumphs through both archival and embodied memory.

Politics and the Limits of Pluralism in Mohamed Arkoun and Abdenour Bidar

One of the striking features of the literary culture of the modern Maghreb is the profusion of works that undertake to identify the essential features of the region – exercises in definition that almost always emphasize plurality. Philosophers, social scientists, and literary writers have highlighted the Maghreb's multilingualism – the coexistence of different forms of Arabic, Tamazight, French, and Spanish – the varied and hybrid cultural legacies of conquest and colonialism, and the effects of the region's geographical proximity to other parts of Africa, Europe, and the Middle East. It would be hard to find a more ubiquitous theme of francophone Maghrebi literature than cultural diversity, and the subject is by no means absent from Arabic-language literature. This preoccupation with plurality can be seen as a response to a history of colonization and decolonization with particular ideological features. In their efforts to build “l'Algérie française,” the French colonial authorities suppressed Arabic as a language of culture and government. In response, anticolonial nationalists called for the replacement of French with Arabic. “Islam is my religion, Arabic is my language, Algeria is my nation” – the catchphrase of Abdelhamid Ben Badis's Jam'iyat al-'Ulama [Association of Muslim Ulema], an Islamic reform movement of the 1930s and 1940s – later became a slogan of the nationalist movement, the Front de libération nationale (FLN) [National Liberation Front]. Since the 1980s, a similar call to restore Arabic and eliminate French has been issued by the Islamist opposition to the corrupt and undemocratic FLN government and at times by officials in that same government seeking to restore their legitimacy. In emphasizing linguistic and cultural diversity, writers and scholars have tried to tender an alternative to these recurrent efforts to delimit the region's identity.

Changes in support for Nicaragua’s Sandinista National Liberation Front during democratic backsliding

This article examines changes in the determinants of support for Nicaragua’s Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), a party that has achieved dominant status during democratic backsliding. Using three waves of Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) surveys from 2006 to 2016, we present binary logit models to test four hypotheses on the evolution of support for the FSLN. Following the theory of how the elite’s cues and messages impact public opinion, we find substantial shifts in the determinants of support for the former guerrilla group as democratic backsliding deepened. We report that the FSLN turned into an ideologically pragmatic party after initially appealing to leftist supporters. Economic views also profoundly impact the party’s support – before and after voters elected it to the presidency in 2006.

Perjanjian damai Filipina-Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) dan komitmen Presiden Benigno Aquino III

Komitmen dan kepimpinan Presiden Benigno Aquino III menjadi titik tolak penting kepada termeterainya perjanjian damai antara Republik Filipina dengan Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) bermula dari tahun 2012 hingga berakhir tempoh pentadbirannya sebagai Presiden Filipina pada bulan Jun 2016. Sikapnya yang terbuka, lebih bertolak ansur dan memahami keadaan rakyatnya membolehkan beliau mengadakan siri rundingan dan perjanjian dengan MILF bagi mengembalikan keamanan di Selatan Filipina. Berbanding dengan presiden-presiden sebelumnya, Presiden Aquino dilihat memiliki karisma dan kemahiran kepimpinan yang tinggi sehingga berupaya merencana dan mempertahankan perjanjian damai yang ditandatangani demi mewujudkan Bangsamoro Autonomous Region. Ia merupakan satu pencapaian terbesar yang telah dicapai Filipina menerusi kepimpinan Aquino setelah 17 tahun berhadapan dengan pelbagai bentuk halangan dan kegagalan dalam merealisasikan perjanjian damai yang efektif dengan MILF dan Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). Di tahun terakhir pentadbiran Aquino, perjanjian damai dan Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) berada dalam fasa terakhir untuk dilaksanakan sehinggalah kepimpinannya Aquino diambil alih oleh Presiden Rodrigo Duterte pada bulan Jun 2016. Justeru, artikel ini bertujuan untuk menilai komitmen Presiden Aquino dalam menggerakkan proses rundingan damai selain turut menganalisis Comprehensive Bangsamoro Agreement (CAB) dan Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) dalam aspek-aspek terpilih. Analisis dalam kajian ini menggunakan rekod-rekod daripada sumber primer dan sekunder meliputi akhbar, laporan, dokumen perjanjian, bil senat, buku dan artikel jurnal. Kata Kunci: perjanjian damai, komitmen, kepimpinan, rundingan, Bangsamoro

Western Europe, the Second Front in the War of Algerian Independence (1954–1962)

The Algerian War of Independence took place on two main fronts: Algeria and metropolitan France. In both cases, the National Liberation Front (Front de libération nationale [FLN]) paid little heed to national borders as they sought to internationalize their cause. Serving as the linchpin of Algerian nationalism, immigration was instrumental in the emergence and development of a clandestine organization with totalitarian aspirations: the French Federation of the FLN. Manned by a politico-administrative organization coupled with a military organization, the Federation sought both to combat Algerian opponents in Europe and to bring the struggle for independence to metropolitan France. Algerian immigration thus came under the purvey of the FLN’s general strategy and further spread the conflict to metropolitan France and, by extension, to Western Europe. Although the human costs of the war are still difficult to establish, this does nothing to diminish the long-standing stigma that it continues to bear on French postcolonial society.