scholarly journals Rebuilding the Future: C. A. Doxiadis and the Greek Reconstruction Effort (1945-1950)

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 135
Author(s):  
Andreas Kakridis
Keyword(s):  
Left Wing ◽  
War Economy ◽  
Economic Progress ◽  
Reconstruction Effort ◽  
The Future ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
Post War ◽  
New Institutions ◽  
The Right ◽  
Senior Civil Servant

<p>The importance of ideas – and the individuals propagating them – is enhanced at times of crisis. When existing arrangements are challenged, new ideas help reconfigure group interests and alliances, forge new institutions and plan the future. This paper looks at one such set of ideas, born in response to the crisis facing Greece’s post-war economy: the views of Constantinos Doxiadis, an architect, senior civil servant and policy-maker active in Greece’s recovery programme. Drawing on policy documents, publications and memoranda, the paper sketches the values, intellectual influences and methods underpinning Doxiadis’ views on reconstruction. This casts light on the origins of his later proposals for a science of ekistics, whilst also undermining the conventional notion that left-wing theorists were alone in advancing progressive views of Greek development before 1947. In fact, Doxiadis’ vision seeks to transcend the Right–Left divide by presenting economic progress as an apolitical, scientific process, which would render ideology irrelevant. Such views owe much to the intellectual tradition of interwar technocracy and played a key role in shaping the concept of economic development after 1945.</p>

The Turn of the Offended

2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 101-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ainhoa Montoya
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
The State ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
State Transformation ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
Qualitative State ◽  
Conditions Of Possibility ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Right

This article explores how the affective dynamics involved in elections and routine politics might inform us about the conditions of possibility of specific political imaginaries. It builds upon research conducted during and after El Salvador's 2009 presidential election. Passions ran high among Salvadorans on both the left and the right that electoral season, as allusions to wartime elicited unsettled divisions and offenses. For many left-wing and disaffected Salvadorans, the victory of the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front—a former guerrilla organization—opened up a political horizon that had been closed during the post-war era. Salvadorans' post-election engagement with state officials and FMLN leaders through clientelist practices evidenced their desire for qualitative state transformation and the extent to which they conceive of themselves as citizens through the state.

Update on Conflict and Diplomacy

2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-130
Author(s):  
Paul Karolyi
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
International Peace ◽  
Municipal Elections ◽  
Palestinian Territories ◽  
Israeli Government ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Right

This update summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and the future of the peace process, and covers the quarter beginning on 16 May and ending on 15 August 2016. The surge of unrest and resistance that began in Jerusalem in 9/2015 continued to dissipate this quarter as the Israeli government strengthened its crackdown on the occupied Palestinian territories, Israeli left-wing activism, and the Palestinian minority in Israel. Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu rejected an international push towards peace talks with the Palestinians, and shifted his ruling coalition further to the right. Despite Israel's opposition, the French peace initiative advanced with Palestinian backing and Egypt lent its weight to international peace efforts, but failed to break the Palestinian-Israeli diplomatic impasse. Internally, the Palestinians prepared for municipal elections on 10/8. In regional developments, Israel and Turkey reached a formal reconciliation agreement, paving the way for a return to full diplomatic relations.

scholarly journals Uma Casa Comum, um projeto comum: político, social e ambiental

2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Benedita Izabel Rosa
Keyword(s):  
National Council ◽  
Pope Francis ◽  
Christian Churches ◽  
Economic Progress ◽  
Text Base ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Right ◽  
Dry Out ◽  
Public Politics

Em 2016, o tema escolhido para a Campanha da Fraternidade Ecumênica(CFE) foi: “Casa Comum, nossa responsabilidade”. Esta campanha foiorganizada pelo Conselho Nacional de Igrejas Cristãs do Brasil (CONIC), e teve por objetivo geral refletir sobre a questão do saneamento básico. Tais reflexões estão contidas no seu Texto-Base e demonstram que esse é um direito fundamental para todas as pessoas e, como todos os outros direitos, requer o nosso empenho, à luz da fé, a lutar por políticas públicas e atitudes responsáveis que garantam a integridade e o futuro de nossa Casa Comum. O livro do Profeta Amós, que inspirou o lema desta campanha, “Quero ver o direito brotar como fonte e correr a justiça qual riacho que não seca” (Am 5,24), é uma revelação de que também naquela época já havia crises sociais agudas, fundamentadas por um progresso econômico que não se traduzia em igualdade e justiça para todos. Nessa linha de reflexão, incluir-se-á também o pensamento do Papa Francisco contido em sua Carta Encíclica Laudato Si’, cujo conteúdo contempla o mesmo raciocínio do Texto-Base da CFE-2016. Para evitar que assunto tão relevante seja esquecido, propõe-se, como objetivo do presente artigo, a retomada constante da leitura dos documentos aqui referenciados, cujas reflexões possam contribuir para despertar em nós uma consciência que se concretize em atitudes responsáveis para a preservação da nossa Casa Comum.Palavras-chave: Casa Comum. Responsabilidade. Justiça.Abstract: In 2016, the theme chosen for the Campaign of Ecumenical Fraternity (CFE) was: “Common Home, our responsibility.” Organized by the National Council of Christian Churches of Brazil (CONIC), CFE has the overall objective of ensuring the right to sanitation for all people and commit ourselves in the light of faith, public politics and responsible attitudes to ensure the integrity and the future of our common home. The book of the prophet Amos, who inspired themotto of this campaign, “I want to see the right sprout as the source and run the justice which stream that does not dry out” (Am 5:24), is a revelation that also at that time had already acute social crises based on economic progress did not translate into equality and justice for all. In this line of thought, also include the thought of Pope Francis contained in his Encyclical Letter Laudato Si’, therefore, its content covers the same reasoning Text-Base CFE-2016. To prevent such a relevant subject is forgotten, it is proposed, the objective of this article, the constant resumption of the reading of the documents referenced herein, whose reflections can contribute to awaken in us a consciousness that materializes in responsible attitudes towards the preservation of our Common Home.Keywords: Common Home. Responsibility. Justice.

World War I and British Left Wing Intellectuals: The Case of Leonard T. Hobhouse

1973 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 261-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold Smith
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Military Service ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Post War ◽  
Extension Of State ◽  
The Right ◽  
Military Victory

World War I brought about a crisis within the British Liberal Party for it confronted Liberals with issues which they found difficult to resolve on the basis of traditional liberal principles. On numerous occasions, Liberals were placed in situations in which they were forced to choose between liberal principles and illiberal measures which were necessary for the effective prosecution of the war. The dilemma of whether or not to support British involvement in the war was a painful one which many Liberals would have preferred to avoid, and it was followed by other scarcely less painful decisions involving conscription, the extension of state controls over the economy, freedom of expression and personal liberties, the future of free trade, the right to refuse military service on the ground of conscientious objection, and the larger problem of whether to seek military victory or a negotiated peace.The effect of the war on those Radical Liberal intellectuals who comprised an important segment of the left-wing of the Liberal Party was especially profound. Although they were not a highly organized group before 1914, there did exist a number of Radical Liberals who were bound together by their common agreement on the overriding importance of a “pacifistic” foreign policy and additional measures of social reform. This loose coalition of Radical Liberals was shattered by the war, for a large proportion of the group supported the war while others did not. Moreover, the issues generated by the war tended to drive the dissenting Radicals further to the Left, while the conservative assumptions of pro-war Radical Liberals became more prominent. By the end of the war the gulf between the two factions of Radical Liberals had become a deep chasm, and in the post-war years the division became a permanent one; many of those who had been dissenters during the war joined the Labour Party, while pro-war Radical Liberals tended either to remain in the Liberal Party or adopt an independent position.

‘Socialist Realism’

2019 ◽  
pp. 103-126
Author(s):  
Daniel Ritschel
Keyword(s):  
Economic Planning ◽  
Economic Thought ◽  
Mixed System ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
War Economy ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Corporation ◽  
Post War ◽  
New Generation

Though it is often suggested that the Labour Party did not think seriously about socialist economic policy until after the debacle of 1931, there was in fact a remarkably sophisticated body of innovative economic thought on the left of the Party late in the 1920s. Fashioned by prominent left-wing intellectuals, including G. D. H. Cole, H. N. Brailsford, and John Strachey, their ideas anticipated many of the policies that were to define Labour economics over the next two decades, including a proto-Keynesian reflationary strategy for expansion of the slumping post-war economy, centralized economic planning in a ‘mixed’ system of public and private enterprise, and even a detailed outline of the public corporation as a model for the management of socialized industries. Their contributions failed to make an impact in 1929–31 mainly because of the inflexible resistance to all socialist advice by the MacDonald–Snowden leadership, and then their own unfortunate association with Mosley’s ill-fated rebellion in 1930–1. However, their ideas would influence the new generation of Labour economists among the New Fabians of the 1930s.

Le immagini vaganti. Migrazioni iconografiche tra destra e sinistra

2013 ◽  
pp. 121-146
Author(s):  
Luciano Cheles
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The Public ◽  
War Propaganda ◽  
Post War ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Right

Parties frequently appropriate propaganda images from other movements, which all too often belong to the opposite end of the political spectrum. This article considers the main forms of visual appropriation and illustrates them with examples drawn from Italian and French post-war propaganda. It argues that the phenomenon is widespread especially among right-wing parties, which tend to adopt the imagery created by well-established political organisations to legitimate themselves, to present themselves to the voters in a more modern and appealing way or to attempt a dialogue with them. The technique of imitation may also be used to create a sense of confusion with the ultimate aim of neutralising the messages of other parties, or to steal votes from their natural constituencies. Left-wing parties too at times mimic the images (and slogans) of the right, but usually with parodying intentions which can escape the public at large.

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

Why Choose Cardiothoracic Surgery as a Career?

2011 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raja R. Gopaldas ◽  
Faisal G. Bakaeen ◽  
Danny Chu ◽  
Joseph S. Coselli ◽  
Denton A. Cooley
Keyword(s):  
Technological Progress ◽  
Artery Bypass ◽  
Cardiothoracic Surgery ◽  
Faculty Members ◽  
New Graduates ◽  
The Future ◽  
Cardiac Surgeon ◽  
The Right ◽  
Cardiac Surgeons ◽  
The Ideal

The future of cardiothoracic surgery faces a lofty challenge with the advancement of percutaneous technology and minimally invasive approaches. Coronary artery bypass grafting (CABG) surgery, once a lucrative operation and the driving force of our specialty, faces challenges with competitive stenting and poor reimbursements, contributing to a drop in applicants to our specialty that is further fueled by the negative information that members of other specialties impart to trainees. In the current era of explosive technological progress, the great diversity of our field should be viewed as a source of excitement, rather than confusion, for the upcoming generation. The ideal future cardiac surgeon must be a "surgeon-innovator," a reincarnation of the pioneering cardiac surgeons of the "golden age" of medicine. Equipped with the right skills, new graduates will land high-quality jobs that will help them to mature and excel. Mentorship is a key component at all stages of cardiothoracic training and career development. We review the main challenges facing our specialty�length of training, long hours, financial hardship, and uncertainty about the future, mentorship, and jobs�and we present individual perspectives from both residents and faculty members.

Fin-de-Siècle Salonica

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Şükrü Hanioğlu
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Elementary School ◽  
Primary Education ◽  
Lower Class ◽  
Fin De Siecle ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
The Future ◽  
Fin De Siècle ◽  
Circle Of Friends ◽  
New Institutions

This chapter discusses Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's childhood in the ancient Macedonian capital of Salonica. The future founder of the Turkish Republic was born one winter, either in 1880 or in 1881. His upbringing was more liberal than that of most lower-class Muslims. No one in his family's circle of friends and relatives, for instance, practiced polygamy. Likewise, his father reportedly drank alcohol, which was abhorred by conservatives. The confusing dualism produced in Ottoman society by the reforms of the nineteenth century had its first imprint on Mustafa when his parents entered into a heated argument about his education. There is little doubt that Mustafa Kemal's deep-seated predilection for new institutions and practices owed much to his years as one of a handful of students in the empire who had their primary education at a private elementary school devoid of a strong religious focus.

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