scholarly journals Estado subsidiario: límites y proyecciones de la democracia territorial en Chile

2016 ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Farías Carrión

ResumenLas claves políticas con las que convive la ciudadanía en Chile son expuestasen este documento como un proceso institucional de un profundo espírituconservador: Estado subsidiario, democracia protegida y el gasto socialfocalizado como medio de inversión es lo que caracterizaría la esencia delsistema político hoy. El documento identifica la desigualdad entre los espacioslocales y su relación de dependencia como consecuencia de la administracióndel Estado subsidiario, y su pretensión de desarrollar una fórmula neoliberalpara la satisfacción de necesidades individuales. Esta fórmula cobra relevanciacuando se observa a los espacios locales, dado que la misma lógica opera paraestos, dejando en evidencia que la capacidad de desarrollo de cada comunaestá determinada por sus propios atributos y competitividad, en un contextode mercado desregulado y en ausencia de planificación territorial a escalaregional o metropolitana. Es en este contexto que la democracia local se velimitada por su falta de comprensión de un territorio mayor y de la ciudadcomo un todo, siendo ineficaz para una distribución de poder más profunda.Palabras clave: Estado subsidiario, territorio, democracia, espacio locales.Subsidiary State: limits and projections of theterritorial democracy in ChileAbstractThis document presents the political clues coexisting in Chilean citizenship asan institutional process of deep conservatism: subsidiary State, protected democracyand targeted social spending as a means of investment characterize the essence of the political system today. The document identifies inequalitiesamong areas and their dependence resulting from the subsidiary State administrationand its attempt to develop a neoliberal formula for the satisfactionof individual needs. This formula becomes important when viewed in localareas, since the same logic applies to them, making it clear that the developmentcapacity of each municipality is determined by its own attributes andcompetitiveness in a deregulated market context and in the absence of spatialplanning at regional or metropolitan scale. In this context, local democracy islimited by its lack of compression of a broader territory and the city as a whole,being ineffective for achieving a deeper distribution of powers.Keywords: Subsidiary State, territory, democracy, local space.Estado subsidiário: limites e projeções dademocracia territorial no ChileResumoAs chaves políticas com as quais convive a cidadania no Chile sãoapresentadas neste documento como um processo institucional de umprofundo espirito conservador: Estado subsidiário, democracia protegida egasto social direcionado como meio de investimento é o que caracterizariaa essência do sistema político hoje. O documento identifica a desigualdadeentre os espaços locais e a sua relação de dependência como resultado daadministração do Estado subsidiário, e sua pretensão de desenvolver umafórmula neoliberal para a satisfação das necessidades individuais. Estafórmula torna-se importante quando se observa aos espaços locais, dado quea mesma lógica opera para estes, deixando em evidencia que a capacidadede desenvolvimento de cada município é determinada por seus própriosatributos e competitividade num contexto de mercado desregulamentado ena ausência de planejamento territorial à escala regional ou metropolitana. Éneste contexto que a democracia local é limitada pela sua falta de compressãode um território maior e da cidade como um todo, sendo ineficaz para umadistribuição de poder mais profunda.Palavras-chave: Estado subsidiário, território, democracia, espaço local.

2016 ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Farías Carrión

ResumenLas claves políticas con las que convive la ciudadanía en Chile son expuestasen este documento como un proceso institucional de un profundo espírituconservador: Estado subsidiario, democracia protegida y el gasto socialfocalizado como medio de inversión es lo que caracterizaría la esencia delsistema político hoy. El documento identifica la desigualdad entre los espacioslocales y su relación de dependencia como consecuencia de la administracióndel Estado subsidiario, y su pretensión de desarrollar una fórmula neoliberalpara la satisfacción de necesidades individuales. Esta fórmula cobra relevanciacuando se observa a los espacios locales, dado que la misma lógica opera paraestos, dejando en evidencia que la capacidad de desarrollo de cada comunaestá determinada por sus propios atributos y competitividad, en un contextode mercado desregulado y en ausencia de planificación territorial a escalaregional o metropolitana. Es en este contexto que la democracia local se velimitada por su falta de comprensión de un territorio mayor y de la ciudadcomo un todo, siendo ineficaz para una distribución de poder más profunda.Palabras clave: Estado subsidiario, territorio, democracia, espacio locales.Subsidiary State: limits and projections of theterritorial democracy in ChileAbstractThis document presents the political clues coexisting in Chilean citizenship asan institutional process of deep conservatism: subsidiary State, protected democracyand targeted social spending as a means of investment characterize the essence of the political system today. The document identifies inequalitiesamong areas and their dependence resulting from the subsidiary State administrationand its attempt to develop a neoliberal formula for the satisfactionof individual needs. This formula becomes important when viewed in localareas, since the same logic applies to them, making it clear that the developmentcapacity of each municipality is determined by its own attributes andcompetitiveness in a deregulated market context and in the absence of spatialplanning at regional or metropolitan scale. In this context, local democracy islimited by its lack of compression of a broader territory and the city as a whole,being ineffective for achieving a deeper distribution of powers.Keywords: Subsidiary State, territory, democracy, local space.Estado subsidiário: limites e projeções dademocracia territorial no ChileResumoAs chaves políticas com as quais convive a cidadania no Chile sãoapresentadas neste documento como um processo institucional de umprofundo espirito conservador: Estado subsidiário, democracia protegida egasto social direcionado como meio de investimento é o que caracterizariaa essência do sistema político hoje. O documento identifica a desigualdadeentre os espaços locais e a sua relação de dependência como resultado daadministração do Estado subsidiário, e sua pretensão de desenvolver umafórmula neoliberal para a satisfação das necessidades individuais. Estafórmula torna-se importante quando se observa aos espaços locais, dado quea mesma lógica opera para estes, deixando em evidencia que a capacidadede desenvolvimento de cada município é determinada por seus própriosatributos e competitividade num contexto de mercado desregulamentado ena ausência de planejamento territorial à escala regional ou metropolitana. Éneste contexto que a democracia local é limitada pela sua falta de compressãode um território maior e da cidade como um todo, sendo ineficaz para umadistribuição de poder mais profunda.Palavras-chave: Estado subsidiário, território, democracia, espaço local.


Author(s):  
POLLY LOW

This chapter discusses one of the best-known instances of classical commemoration: the public funeral and collective burial and commemoration of the Athenian war dead. Its particular aim is to explore the various contexts in which Athenian practice might be understood. How do these monuments fit into the wider picture of Athenian burial and commemoration, in terms of both form and physical location? How do they relate to the political system and ideology of the city that created them? And how might these contexts shape the way in which the monuments were used and understood by contemporary and later viewers?


1976 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 1059-1077 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas L. Pangle

This paper explains Plato's conception of the relation between politics and “political religion” (ideology) in a nonliberal participatory republican system. The discussion is in the form of a commentary on the drama of a part of Plato's Laws. The underlying methodological assumption is that Plato presented his political teaching not so much through the speeches as through the drama of the dialogue, and that he held this to be the most appropriate form for political science because in this way political science can most effectively stimulate thought about its subject matter, the psyche involved in social action.Following Plato, we focus first on the psychological needs such a political system generates and attempts to satisfy through civil religion. We then move to a consideration of how political “theology” serves to mediate between science and society, or the philosopher and the city.The essay is intended to contribute to the Montesquieuian project engaging the attention of more and more political theorists: the endeavor to help contemporary political science and psychology escape from the trammeling parochialism of exclusive attention to twentieth century theoretical categories and empirical experiences.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 488
Author(s):  
Herlambang Perdana Wiratraman

AbstractThe politics of decentralization after Suharto provided more space in the discourse of adat justice in Indonesia. The problem is that the legal political process does not stand in empty space. Adat justice issues in the political system that regulates political-economic authority, which is supported by the character of the persistence of a network of oligarchs, massive destruction of destructive natural resources, and corrupt and feudalistic bureaucracies. This article encourages local democracy that fosters broad community participation, including encouraging the work of adat justice, has paralyzed the empowerment of the judiciary itself, so that the legal politics of adat justice openly triggers a symbol of certain feudalism protection.IntisariKonteks politik desentralisasi pasca Suharto memberi ruang lebih dalam diskursus peradilan adat di Indonesia. Masalahnya, proses politik hukum itu tak berdiri di ruang kosong. Peradilan adat berinteraksi dalam sistem politik yang menampilkan kuasa ekonomi-politik, yang dipenuhi dengan karakter bertahannya jaringan oligarki, eksploitasi sumberdaya alam yang masif nan merusak, serta birokrasi yang korup dan feodalistik. Artikel ini memperlihatkan demokratisasi lokal yang menumbuhkan partisipasi masyarakat secara luas, termasuk mendorong bekerjanya mekanisme peradilan adat, telah melumpuhkan keberdayaan peradilan itu sendiri, sehingga politik hukum peradilan adat, secara bertahap melahirkan simbolisasi kuasa feodalisme tertentu.


Sociologija ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-44
Author(s):  
Vera Backovic

The aim of the paper is to analyze changes of the city in the process of post socialist transformation. The changes in the political system and economy led to establishment of local authorities and urban economy, witch became main factors of urban development. Much attention is played to commercial property (office space and retail) because their fast development is the most visible change in the post socialist city.


1952 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 732-753 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel J. Eldersveld

The problem of inconstancy in party affiliation has generated occasional research interest for a half-century now. We still know very little about the political behavior of that segment of the electorate which presumably is highly irregular in party allegiance. We have a penchant, however, for generalizing about the extent of independent voting, the characteristics of the independents, and, particularly, the significance of the independent vote for campaign strategy and the political system. Today, with another national election approaching, a summary of the status of our research and the presentation of new findings may be in order.


2021 ◽  
pp. 119-144
Author(s):  
Karla Vermeulen

The chapter “Mistrusting Authorities in an Unstable World” examines how members of Generation Disaster engage with the political system today, having grown up in a post-9/11, wartime climate when many felt lied to or misrepresented by politicians and other authorities. That was followed by the extreme divisiveness of U.S. politics in general during their adolescence and as they moved into emerging adulthood. While some have chosen to disengage entirely, others have been moved to protest, vote at record levels, and generally continue the tradition of trying to recapture power from older people they feel aren’t representing them adequately. The importance of civic engagement as a marker of adulthood, and the history of social movements in the United States, are also discussed.


Author(s):  
Yuhua Wang

Autocrats use repression to deter opposition. Are they successful in the long run? The author argues that state repression can have long-lasting alienating effects on citizens’ political attitudes and coercive effects on their political behavior. The article evaluates this proposition by studying the long-term effects of state terror during China's Cultural Revolution. It shows that individuals who grew up in localities that were exposed to more state-sponsored violence in the late 1960s are less trusting of national political leaders and more critical of the country's political system today. These anti-regime attitudes are more likely to be passed down to the younger generation if family members discuss politics frequently than if they do not. Yet while state repression has created anti-regime attitudes, it has decreased citizens’ contentious behavior. These findings highlight the dilemma that authoritarian rulers face when they seek to consolidate their rule through repression.


2006 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 184-207
Author(s):  
Corinne Beutler

Abstract The Sulpician seminary in Paris established a Canadian chapter in Ville-Marie (later Montreal) in 1657; six years later this branch became seigneur for three properties, the seigneuries of Ile de Montréal, Lac-des-Deux-Montagnes to the northwest and Saint-Sulpice to the northeast. The Conquest severed the connection with the founding house, but until the commutation of seigneurial tenure in 1840, the Canadian seminary vigorously maintained its traditional role. While earlier work has explored the seigneurial system in its legal, social and political dimensions, little work has been done on the seigneury as an economic entity, its potential for profit and loss and the manner in which traditional obligations were balanced against financial realities. Though they do not provide a complete account and offer many difficulties for analysis, the carefully preserved records of the Séminaire de Saint-Sulpice offer an important look at the financial workings of one aspect of a seigneury. Elsewhere the author has surveyed the wheat economy of Montreal, and the place of the Séminaire in provisioning the city. In this essay, she examines the interplay of economics and politics, of obligations and profitability in the management of the resources of these three properties. The author concludes that the Sulpicians attempted to achieve two objectives simultaneously: the maintenance of status and power within the political system, and the maximization of profit within the economic system. The extensive statistical basis for her conclusions is presented in a series of tables which detail the construction of both water and wind mills, and the duration of their activity; the cash receipts from each; the annual production of the mills; the accounts receivable compared with the actual receipts; the costs of running the mills, and the profitability of the mills as a strictly economic enterprise. The Séminaire invested large amounts in both their wind, and the more expensive water mills; they expected that investment to yield a solid return. Their record of repairs and renovation to existing mills, their concern for fire prevention and their willingness to invest in greater mechanization all point to a commitment to the mills as an economic enterprise. The Séminaire jealously guarded its seigneurial rights over mill sites to the end, but by the 1820s they were prepared to concede to entrepreneurs the risk of operating in an increasingly competitive commercial and industrial climate.


Author(s):  
Olih Solihin

Partai Keadilan Sejahreta (PKS) Kota Bandung mempersiapkan segala strategi untuk menghadapi pemilu 2009. Sebagai partai yang memiliki pendukung yang cukup besar di Kota Bandung, partai ini harus mempu mengimplementasikan fungsi komunikasi politik artikulasi dan agregasi. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus.Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa PKS Kota Bandung belum mengimplementasikan fungsi artikulasi secara optimal, tapi upaya sudah dilakukan dengan cara membuka ruang bersama, diskusi secara bersama dan aktif oleh sistem politik (pemerintah dan parlemen) bersama segmen-segmen warga masyarakat tentu juga berbasis pada popular space invite. PKS Kota Bandung juga telah mengimplementasikan fungsi agregasi melalui kader yang duduk di parlemen.Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) Bandung prepare all the strategies to face the 2009 elections. As a party that has a large enough supporters in the city of Bandung, this party must mempu implement the political communication function of articulation and aggregation. This research uses qualitative method with case study approach.The result of research shows that PKS Bandung City has not yet implemented the articulation function optimally, but the effort has been done by opening the room together, discussion together and active by political system (government and parliament) together segment of citizen of course also based on popular space invite PKS Bandung City has also implemented aggregation function through cadres who sit in parliament.


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