scholarly journals Les moulins à farine du Séminaire de Saint-Sulpice à Montréal (1658‑1840) : essai d’analyse économique d’une prérogative du régime seigneurial

2006 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 184-207
Author(s):  
Corinne Beutler

Abstract The Sulpician seminary in Paris established a Canadian chapter in Ville-Marie (later Montreal) in 1657; six years later this branch became seigneur for three properties, the seigneuries of Ile de Montréal, Lac-des-Deux-Montagnes to the northwest and Saint-Sulpice to the northeast. The Conquest severed the connection with the founding house, but until the commutation of seigneurial tenure in 1840, the Canadian seminary vigorously maintained its traditional role. While earlier work has explored the seigneurial system in its legal, social and political dimensions, little work has been done on the seigneury as an economic entity, its potential for profit and loss and the manner in which traditional obligations were balanced against financial realities. Though they do not provide a complete account and offer many difficulties for analysis, the carefully preserved records of the Séminaire de Saint-Sulpice offer an important look at the financial workings of one aspect of a seigneury. Elsewhere the author has surveyed the wheat economy of Montreal, and the place of the Séminaire in provisioning the city. In this essay, she examines the interplay of economics and politics, of obligations and profitability in the management of the resources of these three properties. The author concludes that the Sulpicians attempted to achieve two objectives simultaneously: the maintenance of status and power within the political system, and the maximization of profit within the economic system. The extensive statistical basis for her conclusions is presented in a series of tables which detail the construction of both water and wind mills, and the duration of their activity; the cash receipts from each; the annual production of the mills; the accounts receivable compared with the actual receipts; the costs of running the mills, and the profitability of the mills as a strictly economic enterprise. The Séminaire invested large amounts in both their wind, and the more expensive water mills; they expected that investment to yield a solid return. Their record of repairs and renovation to existing mills, their concern for fire prevention and their willingness to invest in greater mechanization all point to a commitment to the mills as an economic enterprise. The Séminaire jealously guarded its seigneurial rights over mill sites to the end, but by the 1820s they were prepared to concede to entrepreneurs the risk of operating in an increasingly competitive commercial and industrial climate.

Author(s):  
POLLY LOW

This chapter discusses one of the best-known instances of classical commemoration: the public funeral and collective burial and commemoration of the Athenian war dead. Its particular aim is to explore the various contexts in which Athenian practice might be understood. How do these monuments fit into the wider picture of Athenian burial and commemoration, in terms of both form and physical location? How do they relate to the political system and ideology of the city that created them? And how might these contexts shape the way in which the monuments were used and understood by contemporary and later viewers?


Africa ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 89 (3) ◽  
pp. 479-498
Author(s):  
Joshua D. Rubin

AbstractThis article is an ethnographic investigation of the labours of making art and selling liquid petroleum gas (LPG) in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. It locates these activities within a shared social world, centred on one of Bulawayo's major art galleries, and it demonstrates that artists and LPG dealers use similar strategies to respond to the political conditions of life in the city. This article frames these conditions as unpredictable, insofar as they change frequently and crystallize in unexpected forms, and it argues that both groups are attempting to act within these conditions and shape them into emergent assemblages. In adopting this term ‘assemblage’, which has been elaborated theoretically by Gilles Deleuze, Félix Guattari and their many interlocutors, this article emphasizes both the mutability and the unpredictability of these formations. The artists who work in the gallery, for their part, make their art by assembling their chosen media. The processes by which they choose their media constitute assemblages as well, in that artists have to adapt their artistic visions to the materials that Zimbabwe's market can provide. Street dealers in gas also produce emergent assemblages against the backdrop of unpredictability. If they want to make natural gas available to consumers, dealers must shepherd their medium through an always emergent process of distribution. They participate in transnational networks of trade, but they also theorize innovative strategies of procurement, develop circuits of trust and loyalty, and conjure up visions of a predatory state. Like artists, they use their work to construct dynamic representations of the world around them. Artists may produce images, and dealers circulate gas, but this article shows that conceptualizing these practices in terms of ‘assemblages’ calls their commonalities into view. In doing so, it also demonstrates that these practices complicate easy distinctions between aesthetics, economics and politics.


1976 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 1059-1077 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas L. Pangle

This paper explains Plato's conception of the relation between politics and “political religion” (ideology) in a nonliberal participatory republican system. The discussion is in the form of a commentary on the drama of a part of Plato's Laws. The underlying methodological assumption is that Plato presented his political teaching not so much through the speeches as through the drama of the dialogue, and that he held this to be the most appropriate form for political science because in this way political science can most effectively stimulate thought about its subject matter, the psyche involved in social action.Following Plato, we focus first on the psychological needs such a political system generates and attempts to satisfy through civil religion. We then move to a consideration of how political “theology” serves to mediate between science and society, or the philosopher and the city.The essay is intended to contribute to the Montesquieuian project engaging the attention of more and more political theorists: the endeavor to help contemporary political science and psychology escape from the trammeling parochialism of exclusive attention to twentieth century theoretical categories and empirical experiences.


2016 ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Farías Carrión

ResumenLas claves políticas con las que convive la ciudadanía en Chile son expuestasen este documento como un proceso institucional de un profundo espírituconservador: Estado subsidiario, democracia protegida y el gasto socialfocalizado como medio de inversión es lo que caracterizaría la esencia delsistema político hoy. El documento identifica la desigualdad entre los espacioslocales y su relación de dependencia como consecuencia de la administracióndel Estado subsidiario, y su pretensión de desarrollar una fórmula neoliberalpara la satisfacción de necesidades individuales. Esta fórmula cobra relevanciacuando se observa a los espacios locales, dado que la misma lógica opera paraestos, dejando en evidencia que la capacidad de desarrollo de cada comunaestá determinada por sus propios atributos y competitividad, en un contextode mercado desregulado y en ausencia de planificación territorial a escalaregional o metropolitana. Es en este contexto que la democracia local se velimitada por su falta de comprensión de un territorio mayor y de la ciudadcomo un todo, siendo ineficaz para una distribución de poder más profunda.Palabras clave: Estado subsidiario, territorio, democracia, espacio locales.Subsidiary State: limits and projections of theterritorial democracy in ChileAbstractThis document presents the political clues coexisting in Chilean citizenship asan institutional process of deep conservatism: subsidiary State, protected democracyand targeted social spending as a means of investment characterize the essence of the political system today. The document identifies inequalitiesamong areas and their dependence resulting from the subsidiary State administrationand its attempt to develop a neoliberal formula for the satisfactionof individual needs. This formula becomes important when viewed in localareas, since the same logic applies to them, making it clear that the developmentcapacity of each municipality is determined by its own attributes andcompetitiveness in a deregulated market context and in the absence of spatialplanning at regional or metropolitan scale. In this context, local democracy islimited by its lack of compression of a broader territory and the city as a whole,being ineffective for achieving a deeper distribution of powers.Keywords: Subsidiary State, territory, democracy, local space.Estado subsidiário: limites e projeções dademocracia territorial no ChileResumoAs chaves políticas com as quais convive a cidadania no Chile sãoapresentadas neste documento como um processo institucional de umprofundo espirito conservador: Estado subsidiário, democracia protegida egasto social direcionado como meio de investimento é o que caracterizariaa essência do sistema político hoje. O documento identifica a desigualdadeentre os espaços locais e a sua relação de dependência como resultado daadministração do Estado subsidiário, e sua pretensão de desenvolver umafórmula neoliberal para a satisfação das necessidades individuais. Estafórmula torna-se importante quando se observa aos espaços locais, dado quea mesma lógica opera para estes, deixando em evidencia que a capacidadede desenvolvimento de cada município é determinada por seus própriosatributos e competitividade num contexto de mercado desregulamentado ena ausência de planejamento territorial à escala regional ou metropolitana. Éneste contexto que a democracia local é limitada pela sua falta de compressãode um território maior e da cidade como um todo, sendo ineficaz para umadistribuição de poder mais profunda.Palavras-chave: Estado subsidiário, território, democracia, espaço local.


Sociologija ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-44
Author(s):  
Vera Backovic

The aim of the paper is to analyze changes of the city in the process of post socialist transformation. The changes in the political system and economy led to establishment of local authorities and urban economy, witch became main factors of urban development. Much attention is played to commercial property (office space and retail) because their fast development is the most visible change in the post socialist city.


Author(s):  
Olih Solihin

Partai Keadilan Sejahreta (PKS) Kota Bandung mempersiapkan segala strategi untuk menghadapi pemilu 2009. Sebagai partai yang memiliki pendukung yang cukup besar di Kota Bandung, partai ini harus mempu mengimplementasikan fungsi komunikasi politik artikulasi dan agregasi. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus.Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa PKS Kota Bandung belum mengimplementasikan fungsi artikulasi secara optimal, tapi upaya sudah dilakukan dengan cara membuka ruang bersama, diskusi secara bersama dan aktif oleh sistem politik (pemerintah dan parlemen) bersama segmen-segmen warga masyarakat tentu juga berbasis pada popular space invite. PKS Kota Bandung juga telah mengimplementasikan fungsi agregasi melalui kader yang duduk di parlemen.Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) Bandung prepare all the strategies to face the 2009 elections. As a party that has a large enough supporters in the city of Bandung, this party must mempu implement the political communication function of articulation and aggregation. This research uses qualitative method with case study approach.The result of research shows that PKS Bandung City has not yet implemented the articulation function optimally, but the effort has been done by opening the room together, discussion together and active by political system (government and parliament) together segment of citizen of course also based on popular space invite PKS Bandung City has also implemented aggregation function through cadres who sit in parliament.


2016 ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Farías Carrión

ResumenLas claves políticas con las que convive la ciudadanía en Chile son expuestasen este documento como un proceso institucional de un profundo espírituconservador: Estado subsidiario, democracia protegida y el gasto socialfocalizado como medio de inversión es lo que caracterizaría la esencia delsistema político hoy. El documento identifica la desigualdad entre los espacioslocales y su relación de dependencia como consecuencia de la administracióndel Estado subsidiario, y su pretensión de desarrollar una fórmula neoliberalpara la satisfacción de necesidades individuales. Esta fórmula cobra relevanciacuando se observa a los espacios locales, dado que la misma lógica opera paraestos, dejando en evidencia que la capacidad de desarrollo de cada comunaestá determinada por sus propios atributos y competitividad, en un contextode mercado desregulado y en ausencia de planificación territorial a escalaregional o metropolitana. Es en este contexto que la democracia local se velimitada por su falta de comprensión de un territorio mayor y de la ciudadcomo un todo, siendo ineficaz para una distribución de poder más profunda.Palabras clave: Estado subsidiario, territorio, democracia, espacio locales.Subsidiary State: limits and projections of theterritorial democracy in ChileAbstractThis document presents the political clues coexisting in Chilean citizenship asan institutional process of deep conservatism: subsidiary State, protected democracyand targeted social spending as a means of investment characterize the essence of the political system today. The document identifies inequalitiesamong areas and their dependence resulting from the subsidiary State administrationand its attempt to develop a neoliberal formula for the satisfactionof individual needs. This formula becomes important when viewed in localareas, since the same logic applies to them, making it clear that the developmentcapacity of each municipality is determined by its own attributes andcompetitiveness in a deregulated market context and in the absence of spatialplanning at regional or metropolitan scale. In this context, local democracy islimited by its lack of compression of a broader territory and the city as a whole,being ineffective for achieving a deeper distribution of powers.Keywords: Subsidiary State, territory, democracy, local space.Estado subsidiário: limites e projeções dademocracia territorial no ChileResumoAs chaves políticas com as quais convive a cidadania no Chile sãoapresentadas neste documento como um processo institucional de umprofundo espirito conservador: Estado subsidiário, democracia protegida egasto social direcionado como meio de investimento é o que caracterizariaa essência do sistema político hoje. O documento identifica a desigualdadeentre os espaços locais e a sua relação de dependência como resultado daadministração do Estado subsidiário, e sua pretensão de desenvolver umafórmula neoliberal para a satisfação das necessidades individuais. Estafórmula torna-se importante quando se observa aos espaços locais, dado quea mesma lógica opera para estes, deixando em evidencia que a capacidadede desenvolvimento de cada município é determinada por seus própriosatributos e competitividade num contexto de mercado desregulamentado ena ausência de planejamento territorial à escala regional ou metropolitana. Éneste contexto que a democracia local é limitada pela sua falta de compressãode um território maior e da cidade como um todo, sendo ineficaz para umadistribuição de poder mais profunda.Palavras-chave: Estado subsidiário, território, democracia, espaço local.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 264-281
Author(s):  
Catherine Wheatley

Set principally in or around Seraing, an industrial region in decline just outside of Liège, in Belgium, the films of Jean-Luc and Pierre Dardenne marry geographical and historical-social realism with a series of ethical inquiries into such topics as immigration, unemployment, black market trading and petty crime. To date, critical commentary on the films has tended mainly to read the work of the Dardennes along two lines. The dominant approach uses the work of Emmanuel Levinas as a philosophical touchpoint in order to illuminate the ethical dimension of the Dardenne brothers' films. The second considers the political dimensions of their films. However a third, related body of writing has emerged in later years, one which understands in terms of their relation to what Jürgen Habermas (2006) , amongst others, has dubbed the postsecular age. This article locates the Dardennes' films at the intersection between the ethical, the political, and the postsecular, looking to the theologically-inflected philosophy of Gillian Rose to make the case that Seraing serves as the model of what Rose refers to as “the third city” – a postsecular site which challenges easy divisions between politics and ethics. As such Seraing is not, I shall argue, a mere staging post for the moral, political and spiritual problems posed by the films, but its cradle. Paying particular attention to the Dardennes' film Two Days, One Night (Deux Jours, Une Nuit, 2014) I demonstrate what an engagement that turns on existence with and within the city – an engagement that is both political and ethical – might look like.


2020 ◽  
pp. 61-96
Author(s):  
Laurens E. Tacoma

This chapter analyses the second characteristic of Roman political culture: it was structured by a specific form of patronage that was both pervasive, encapsulating wide sections of the population in its network, but also weak, in the sense that ties could shift relatively easily. How it structured unstable hierarchical networks can be seen in the local elections that were held in Pompeii. The campaigns for these elections can be analysed thanks to the survival of the programmata, election notices that were painted on the walls of the houses of the city. At an abstract level, these local elections produced a totalizing discourse. They made the implicit claim that the political system mattered immensely and that there were no alternative routes to articulate social success. This claim pertained primarily to those people who aspired to be members of the elite: they were supposed to stand for office and have their elite status formally demarcated by membership of a political institution. But its reach also extended further: it tied the whole community to the political system, fostering a notion of universal participation. The question then becomes one of how such a system functioned. Along what lines was the population mobilized? How did elite competition work? It is argued that both groups were captured in expectations of each other’s behaviour that were structured by patronage relations, but again, some leeway was left to them. Participation was universal and competition was fierce, but both were at the same time subject to clear constraints.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 71-78
Author(s):  
Michael K. Steinberg

Hemingway tourism in Cuba represents an evocative geographical landscape of inquiry for two primary reasons. First, Hemingway tourism, and tourism in general in Cuba, exists side by side with the larger socialist economy and political system that limits local interactions with the very things and places foreigners desire and visit. Thus contrasting messages are presented in the “text” of the landscape. And second, Hemingway was an American, yet his landscape and image in Cuba is vigorously preserved and promoted, often as one of their own. The Cuban government packages Hemingway for foreign tourists who wish to visit authentic Hemingway memorials and landscapes. Packaging heritage landscapes, literary or other, is not limited to Cuba and Hemingway, but instead a common landscape phenomena. Again though, the political dimensions and economic inconsistencies of Hemingway promotion in Cuba make it especially interesting. This essay discusses three locations in the literary landscape of writer Ernest Hemingway in Cuba; Finca Vigía, his long time home located 12 miles outside Havana; his favorite bar El Floridita, found in the heart of old Havana; and the Marina Hemingway, located just outside Havana. This paper is interested in what these landmarks tell us about Hemingway's image and meanings within Cuba, and how the public, broadly speaking, views the landmarks and Hemingway.


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