The Independent Vote: Measurement, Characteristics, and Implications for Party Strategy

1952 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 732-753 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel J. Eldersveld
Keyword(s):  
Political Behavior ◽  
Political System ◽  
Research Interest ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
Campaign Strategy ◽  
Party Strategy ◽  
New Findings ◽  
The Status ◽  
System Today

The problem of inconstancy in party affiliation has generated occasional research interest for a half-century now. We still know very little about the political behavior of that segment of the electorate which presumably is highly irregular in party allegiance. We have a penchant, however, for generalizing about the extent of independent voting, the characteristics of the independents, and, particularly, the significance of the independent vote for campaign strategy and the political system. Today, with another national election approaching, a summary of the status of our research and the presentation of new findings may be in order.

What Changes for the Constitutional Court with the New Russian Constitution?

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-49
Author(s):  
Ivan S. Grigoriev
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Institutional Development ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Locus Standi ◽  
The Status ◽  
Russian Constitution ◽  
International Obligations

Abstract Of the 206 amendments introduced to the Russian constitution and adopted on July 1, 2020, 24 deal directly with the Constitutional Court, its organization, functioning, and the role it plays in the political system. Compared to many other, these are also rather precise and detailed, ranging from the number of judges on the bench, their nomination and dismissal, to the Court’s inner procedures, new locus standi limitations, and the primacy of the Constitution over Russia’s international obligations. Most changes only reproduce amendments brought to the secondary legislation over the last twenty years, and are therefore meant to preserve the status quo rather than change anything significantly. At the same time, a number of amendments aim at politicizing and instrumentalizing the Court for the president’s benefit, marking a significant departure from the previous institutional development.

Communism and Clientelism: Rural Politics in China

1985 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 238-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean C. Oi
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Political System ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Career Mobility ◽  
The State ◽  
Middle Level ◽  
Rural Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Elite Level

Despite its widespread currency in political science, the concept of clientelism has rarely found its way into the literature on communist systems. Students of communist politics regularly note the importance of personal ties, and many recognize the significance of informal bonds in economic and political spheres atalllevels of society. Some even apply the term “clientelism” to the political behavior they describe. Yet these studies are generally limited to elite-level politics, to factionalism, career mobility, recruitment patterns, and attainment of office at the top- to middle-level echelons of the bureaucracy.2Few have considered clientelism as a type of elite-mass linkage through which the state and the party exercise control at the local level, and through which individuals participate in the political system.

Social Imperialism and Wilhelmine Germany

1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian L. D. Forbes
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democrat ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Interpretive Scheme

In recent times the historiography of the Wilhelmine Reich has clearly reflected the influence of Eckart Kehr and of later historians who have adopted and developed his work. The Rankean dogma of the Primat der Aussenpolitik (primacy of foreign policy) has been replaced by a new slogan, Primat der Innenpolitik (primacy of domestic policy). The resultant interpretive scheme is by now quite familiar. The social structure of the Bismarckean Reich, it is said, was shaken to its foundations by the impact of industrialization. A growing class of industrialists sought to break the power of the feudal agrarian class, and a rapidly developing proletariat threatened to upset the status quo. The internecine struggle between industrialists and agrarians was dangerous for both and for the state, since the final beneficiary might be the proletariat. Consequently agrarians and industrialists closed their ranks against the common social democrat enemy and sought to tame the proletariat, which had grown restive under the impact of the depression, by means of a Weltpolitik which would obviate the effects of the depression, heal the economy, and vindicate the political system responsible for such impressive achievements. Hans-Ulrich Wehler and others call this diversionary strategy against the proletarian threat social imperialism; and this, it is said, is the domestic policy primarily responsible for Wilhelmine imperialism.

Thai charter vote foreshadows post-transition politics

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Military

Subject Outlook for the post-transition political system. Significance The August 7 constitutional referendum will be conducted under tightened controls on political organisation, making a 'yes' vote more likely. Although the Democratic Party criticises the draft for its attempt to return Thailand to a semi-authoritarian state, efforts by deposed former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's 'red-shirt' supporters to organise protests offer the only real opposition to the junta's plan. This struggle foreshadows the political system that is likely to emerge after the next parliamentary elections. Impacts Regulatory risk to investors post-transition would be limited: the military, the Democrats and the PTP are pro-business. China will not alter the status quo in its Thai relations, but will need to invest in building ties with the next monarch. Washington will tolerate most eventualities, except a violent crackdown against the military's opponents.

The Deferential English: A Comparative Critique

1971 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis Kavanagh
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Cultures ◽  
Cultural Pattern ◽  
The Status ◽  
English Politics ◽  
The Way

ALL POLITICAL CULTURES ARE MIXED AND CHANGING. WHAT IS interesting in the English case, however, is the way in which a veritable army of scholars has seized on the deferential component. Other features in the overall cultural pattern have been neglected. This paper is devoted to an examination of the concept of deference as it is applied to English politics. In particular it will focus on the different meanings that the concept has assumed in the literature describing and analysing the popular political attitudes, and those aspects of the political system, including stability, which it has been used to explain. My concluding argument is that deference, as the concept is frequently applied to English political culture, has attained the status of a stereotype and that it is applied to such variegated and sometimes conflicting data that it has outlived its usefulness as a term in academic currency.

scholarly journals КОНСТИТУЦИЯ РЕСПУБЛИКИ КАЗАХСТАН: ЕДИНСТВО, УСТОЙЧИВОСТЬ И ПРОЦВЕТАНИЕ (CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN: UNITY, SUSTAINABILITY AND PROSPERITY)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Venera Nauryzova ◽  
Umit Kairova
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Political System ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Republic ◽  
State Organizations

The article examines the history of the development of the Constitution and the status of constitutional values, the rule of law. The foundations of the constitutional reform have been determined. The political system of the state is clearly spelled out in our constitution. At the same time, this law for the first time describes the core of the political system - the presidential system. Today we can say that our Constitution and laws allow us to stimulate creativity and entrepreneurship. This norm defines the main purpose, the scope of public relations to be regulated by constitutional laws, laws, Presidential Decrees, regulations of government agencies of the Republic of Kazakhstan. Attention should be paid to the role, meaning and features of the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan as the main document of the country. In addition, it tells about the adoption of our Constitution, its achievements, measures to prove that Kazakhstan is a legal state. As soon as the draft of the new Constitution was published in the media for public discussion, it can be said that in fact the whole country began its work. It is said that the Constitution of the Republic is the initiator of a new stage of constitutional development, which has a high legal force and stability, strengthens and regulates the basic social relations in the field of legal status of citizens, civil society institutions, state organizations and government agencies.

scholarly journals Estado subsidiario: límites y proyecciones de la democracia territorial en Chile

2016 ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Farías Carrión
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Spending ◽  
Local Democracy ◽  
Individual Needs ◽  
The City ◽  
System Today ◽  
Institutional Process ◽  
State Territory

ResumenLas claves políticas con las que convive la ciudadanía en Chile son expuestasen este documento como un proceso institucional de un profundo espírituconservador: Estado subsidiario, democracia protegida y el gasto socialfocalizado como medio de inversión es lo que caracterizaría la esencia delsistema político hoy. El documento identifica la desigualdad entre los espacioslocales y su relación de dependencia como consecuencia de la administracióndel Estado subsidiario, y su pretensión de desarrollar una fórmula neoliberalpara la satisfacción de necesidades individuales. Esta fórmula cobra relevanciacuando se observa a los espacios locales, dado que la misma lógica opera paraestos, dejando en evidencia que la capacidad de desarrollo de cada comunaestá determinada por sus propios atributos y competitividad, en un contextode mercado desregulado y en ausencia de planificación territorial a escalaregional o metropolitana. Es en este contexto que la democracia local se velimitada por su falta de comprensión de un territorio mayor y de la ciudadcomo un todo, siendo ineficaz para una distribución de poder más profunda.Palabras clave: Estado subsidiario, territorio, democracia, espacio locales.Subsidiary State: limits and projections of theterritorial democracy in ChileAbstractThis document presents the political clues coexisting in Chilean citizenship asan institutional process of deep conservatism: subsidiary State, protected democracyand targeted social spending as a means of investment characterize the essence of the political system today. The document identifies inequalitiesamong areas and their dependence resulting from the subsidiary State administrationand its attempt to develop a neoliberal formula for the satisfactionof individual needs. This formula becomes important when viewed in localareas, since the same logic applies to them, making it clear that the developmentcapacity of each municipality is determined by its own attributes andcompetitiveness in a deregulated market context and in the absence of spatialplanning at regional or metropolitan scale. In this context, local democracy islimited by its lack of compression of a broader territory and the city as a whole,being ineffective for achieving a deeper distribution of powers.Keywords: Subsidiary State, territory, democracy, local space.Estado subsidiário: limites e projeções dademocracia territorial no ChileResumoAs chaves políticas com as quais convive a cidadania no Chile sãoapresentadas neste documento como um processo institucional de umprofundo espirito conservador: Estado subsidiário, democracia protegida egasto social direcionado como meio de investimento é o que caracterizariaa essência do sistema político hoje. O documento identifica a desigualdadeentre os espaços locais e a sua relação de dependência como resultado daadministração do Estado subsidiário, e sua pretensão de desenvolver umafórmula neoliberal para a satisfação das necessidades individuais. Estafórmula torna-se importante quando se observa aos espaços locais, dado quea mesma lógica opera para estes, deixando em evidencia que a capacidadede desenvolvimento de cada município é determinada por seus própriosatributos e competitividade num contexto de mercado desregulamentado ena ausência de planejamento territorial à escala regional ou metropolitana. Éneste contexto que a democracia local é limitada pela sua falta de compressãode um território maior e da cidade como um todo, sendo ineficaz para umadistribuição de poder mais profunda.Palavras-chave: Estado subsidiário, território, democracia, espaço local.

New Media in Kenya

2011 ◽  
pp. 40-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin C. Njoroge ◽  
Purity Kimani ◽  
Bernard J. Kikech
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Ethnic Differences ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Way

The way the media processes, frames, and passes on information either to the government or to the people affects the function of the political system. This chapter discusses the interaction between new media and ethnicity in Kenya, Africa. The chapter investigates ways in which the new media reinforced issues relating to ethnicity prior to Kenya’s 2007 presidential election. In demonstrating the nexus between new media and ethnicity, the chapter argues that the upsurge of ethnic animosity was chiefly instigated by new media’s influence. Prior to the election, politicians had mobilized their supporters along ethnic lines, and created a tinderbox situation. Thus, there is need for the new media in Kenya to help the citizens to redefine the status of ethnic relationships through the recognition of ethnic differences and the re-discovery of equitable ways to accommodate them; after all, there is more strength than weaknesses in these differences.

What Revolutionary Action Means Today

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheldon S. Wolin
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
American Democracy ◽  
Western History ◽  
Democratic Citizen ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Masses ◽  
First Time

Tocqueville claimed that American democracy had eliminated the causes of revolution. He believed that the revolutionary impulse would wither because for the first time in Western history the masses of ordinary human beings had a tangible stake in defending the status quo. This chapter, however, asks, is it right for the democratic citizen to undertake revolutionary action when the political system retains some of the formal features of democracy but is clearly embarked on a course that is progressively antidemocratic without being crudely repressive? What are the precise ways in which a system that is formally democratic conceals its antidemocratic tendencies? Are pseudo-democratic substitutes introduced that create the illusion of democracy? Was the idea of a democratic citizen partially skewed at the outset so that its development in America was truncated? And, finally, does it make sense even to discuss the possibility of revolution under the circumstances of an advanced, complex society? In what terms would it make sense to talk of revolution today—what would revolutionary action by democratic citizens be?

Yiddish Publishing in the Soviet Union, 1953–1991

2020 ◽  
pp. 70-86
Author(s):  
Gennady Estraikh
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Status ◽  
The One

In the fall of 1956, a group of British Communists visited the Soviet Union. As did a number of other delegations and individual visitors of the time, they sought to examine the extent of progress of de-Stalinization in the political system and, in particular, to understand the status of Jews in post-Stalinist society. In their report, the delegation noted that among Jews of the older generation, including the one or two thousand who came to the Leningrad Synagogue to celebrate the festival of Simchat Torah, “the non-existence of a Yiddish paper was regarded as a deprivation and an injustice.”...

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