John Chrysostom and the Transformation of the City

2006 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 104
Author(s):  
Blake Leyerle ◽  
A. M. Hartney
Keyword(s):  
Vox Patrum ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 53 ◽  
pp. 233-243
Author(s):  
Bożena Stawoska-Jundziłł

The paper presents the results of studies of epitaphs for children up to almost eight years of age from the city of Rome (3rd-4th c. – B. Stawoska-Jundziłł, Vixit cum parentibus. Children aged under seven in Christian families from Rome of 3rd-4th c., Bydgoszcz 2008) in comparison with the views of John Chrysostom on the upbringing of small children. The content of over 2000 children from Rome demonstrates a high status of even the youngest offspring in the Christian families from this city. The founders cared for their religious „endowment”, bestowed their love on them and tried to remember them as members of the family even if they had died after a few days or months. It was unquestionably believed that small children are immediately saved, go to God and commune with the saints. Thanks to this the family could hope for their support and prayers. Whereas, John Chrysostom only casually mentions small children and, what is more, ambivalently: on one hand presenting them on the basis of thorough observations of their behavior and looking after them and on the other hand as mindless creatures, a harbinger of va­luable person following the Stoics e.g. Seneca. As far as the most important for me question of the death of small children is concerned he takes a stand similar to that of the Romans. The children are really without sins (they did not commit them consciously) so God shall accept them only through the hardships of illness and death. Now they are asleep (unlike in the studied epitaphs) but they will rise from the dead and join their parents. Thus, the despair after their death is pointless; God decided the best for them. The difference lies in the fact that the founders of epitaphs more decidedly see the perfection of posthumous existence of even the smallest children who there reach their full maturity whereas John does not seem to be interested in this issue since he directs his teaching mostly to maturing and mature Christians in the earthly life and not in the beyond.


2021 ◽  
pp. 217-233
Author(s):  
Marina I. Shcherbakova ◽  

The article is devoted to the little-known travel notes about Abkhazia by Andrey N. Murav’yov, an outstanding Russian spiritual writer, the pioneer of the genre of literary pilgrimage travels, the discoverer of Christian and Orthodox shrines in Russia and abroad for his compatriots and contemporaries. Travel essay “Abkhazia. Pitsunda”, included as a separate chapter in the book “Georgia and Armenia”, was created under the impression of the author’s trip in the spring of 1847 to the Black Sea coast of the Caucasus. It presents genre sketches of the city life of Sukhumi, descriptions of the luxurious southern nature, it gives excursions into the history of the region, and it characterises the features of the economic state. The main part of Andrey Murav’yov’s Black Sea memories concerns Pitsunda. As a deep connoisseur of the history of Christianity, Andrey Murav’yov traced its ancient roots in the land of Abkhazia, where the apostles Simon the Canaanean, Andrew the First- Called, St. John Chrysostom. In detailed descriptions of the ancient churches, the writer recorded their condition; despite the artistic form of the story, they have the value of a reliable historical document that helps to reconstruct many of the losses that occurred under the influence of time.


Author(s):  
D. Pukhovets

The aim of the article is to consider the insurrection that took place at A.D. 387 in one of the 4 largest cities of the Roman Empire – Antioch. The political situation in the cities of the empire is analyzed through the prism of the rebellion – the relationship in the triangle: imperial power – curia (urban elite) – the population. The main sources from the history of revolt are analyzed in the clause. They are the speeches of the pagan orator Libanius and the Christian leader John Chrysostom. It was clarified with what purpose they wrote their works, on which listeners they were calculated, which facts about mutiny they wanted to submit truthfully, and what they wanted to conceal. The emphasis is on the causes of the uprising and the dynamics of its deployment. Separate consideration is given to the presence of a religious factor among the causes of rebellion. Particular attention is paid to the question which categories of the population took the most active part in the insurrection, which role in the events belonged to the theatrical claques. The situation in Antioch after the suppression of the uprising, the causes of chaos and disorder in the city are investigated. Also, it is followed the process of establishing the interaction between the central government of Emperor Theodosius I and the city elite of Antioch after the revolt. It was determined which punishments were received by various sections of the population of Antioch according to the decisions of the emperor and his representatives in Syria.


Author(s):  
Jan R. Stenger

The Riot of the Statues in 387 CE was a decisive moment in the history of Antioch in Syria. After the revolt, tears and public lamentations took over, as the inhabitants awaited imperial punishment. In the course of the crisis the rhetorician Libanius and the preacher John Chrysostom each tried to negotiate a settlement of the dispute between the authorities and the city. Their speeches depict dramatic scenes of collective weeping and lamentation and thus reflect not only emotional states but also the public use of tears. In doing so, they shine light on the theatrical qualities of emotional responses in social interaction. The analysis of the purposes for which both authors exploit the themes of laughing and wailing reveals two contrasting attitudes to urban society and oratory. While both recognise the vital role of laughter and tears in managing social relationships, Libanius’ representation of emotional expressions aims to eulogise the virtues of an imperial officer and maintain the traditional order of society. Chrysostom, by contrast, teaches his audience which emotions are acceptable in a Christian society and which are not. His aim is to implement an emotion management that is oriented towards the heavenly realm.


Moreana ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (Number 205- (3-4) ◽  
pp. 128-142
Author(s):  
Frank Mitjans

In the introduction to Translations of Lucian, More wrote that “of all learned men” Chrysostom was “the most Christian and – at least in [his] opinion – of all Christians the most learned.” It is worth considering how much they were in tune. In 1499 More had access to a new manuscript of Chrysostom’s Commentary on the Gospel of St. Matthew, now in Corpus Christi College. In the first homily Chrysostom gives an overall view of his work and of the teaching of Christ and writes that the apostles brought us a “new principle of life, another manner of living: both in wealth and in poverty, in freedom and in slavery, in life and in death, changing all, our world and our polity. Not like Plato who composed that ridiculous Polis.” That reference to the Republic of Plato is echoed in the Hexastichon of Utopia, Nunc ciuitatis aemula Platonicae / Fortasse uictrix. More deliberately used the word civitas rather than respublica; for in this way he came closer to the word used by Plato and Chrysostom, πολιτεαν. The key theme of that first homily of Chrysostom, addressed to the citizens of Antioch, is that the teaching of Christ is to be practised in the “polis” and in the “agora.” Reference to both the city and market place is to be found also in the letter More addressed to Colet in October 1504. This essay will consider the influence of Chrysostom on More at the time of his writing Utopia.


Vox Patrum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 70 ◽  
pp. 45-69
Author(s):  
Piotr Szczur

The article presents a particular phase in the evolution of Christian asceticism, as exemplified by the monastic-ascetic milieu of Syrian Antioch. The writings of John Chrysostom, Theodoret of Cyprus and Libanius, which all refer to ascetic and monastic life in Antioch and its environs in the second half of the fourth century, are examined. These analyses allow us to identify three types among Antiochian ascetics. First group described included lay inhabitants of Antioch, both male and female, who endeavored to conduct a deeper spiritual life; this group included also persons practicing syneisaktism – a specific mode of ascetic life in which female virgins consecrated to God lived together with men (especially clergy) practicing ascesis. The second group consisted of rustic ascetics, to wit both lay and clergy inhabitants of villages around Antioch who conduced an ascetic lifestyle. The third group were those ascetics who observed monastic (or semi-monastic) life in the Antiochian mountains, especially on Mount Silpios. Monks were held in considerably high esteem, enjoying great respect among the inhabitants of Antioch. This resulted in their occasionally ignoring the rules of detachment from the world and of solitary life, as they entertained visitors or guests and – for serious reasons (e.g. during the trial of inhabitants of Antioch following the tax rebellion in 387) – visited the city. Our analysis thus depicts Antioch and its vicinity as a center of ascetic and monastic life. The clear-cut conclusion that emerges is that pre-monastic and monastic forms of ascetic life both existed in Antioch in the second half of the fourth century.


Vox Patrum ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 573-584
Author(s):  
Małgorzata B. Leszka

For Zosimos Constantinople was a vital city, a city that owed a lot to Constantine the Great; all that despite the fact that both that ruler and his successors did not find much appreciation in the historian’s eyes. The new Capital city may have its problems, such as overpopulation, lack of room and safety, but it is also the place where one can easily find a job. Its inhabitants, whenever needed, can face serious threats (Gainas’ struggle with Goths), but their reactions are unpredictable and difficult to tame (Procopios’ usurpation, city unrest accompanying the deposition of John Chrysostom from bishopric). Constantinople is the place where the events essential for country’s existence take place, where there is a furious struggle for power, where one can fali with ease from the peaks of power down to the very bottoms (like e.g. Ruffinus of Eutropios). It is the place of the Imperial court, criticized so much by Zosimos himself because, as he says, of the monarchs’ weakness, but also due to bossy eunuchs, advisors and court cliąues. Such views may have resulted from the religious beliefs of the author, who could not agree to the apostasy of the rulers from religious traditions of the past. Constantinople is also the place with Christian temples and followers, led, according to the author, by arrogant individuals, for this is the way he perceives John Chrysostom. These individuals can riot the City against its rulers, while their followers from the mob may be a threat to law and public order.


Scrinium ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-21
Author(s):  
Pauline Allen

Among the homiletic corpora of late antiquity the 125 surviving homilies of Severus, patriarch of Antioch (512–518), provide us with a rich lode of works on martyrs. This is not surprising, given that Antioch was second only to Rome in the number of martyrs and saints it venerated. Previously I have examined Severus’ treatment of the deaths of two local martyrs, Barlaam/Barlaha and Romanus (in Martyrdom and Persecution in Late Antique Christianity. Festschrift Boudewijn Dehandschutter, ed. J. Leemans, Leuven – Paris – Walpole, MA, 2010, pp. 1–14) and of four martyrs foreign to Antioch, Drosis/Drosina, Julian, Dometius, and Leontius ( Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association, 5 [2009], pp. 9–20), an examination that proved the quality of the sources which the patriarch used in his preaching. In this paper I intend to carry the discussion further by concentrating on Severus’ treatment of the death of St Babylas in one homily and two hymns, particularly in relation to the treatment accorded to the martyr in John Chrysostom, in order to situate Severus’ homily in the martyrial homiletic tradition and to trace the history of the veneration of this saint in the city of Antioch.



Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document