The Ninth International Conference of American States

1948 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 553-567 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles G. Fenwick
Keyword(s):  
Mexico City ◽  
San Francisco ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
International Conference ◽  
American States ◽  
Foreign Ministers ◽  
Defensive Measures ◽  
American State

When the Eighth International Conference of American States met at Lima in 1938 it was planned that the Ninth Conference should meet at Bogotá, Colombia, in 1943. The outbreak of the war in 1939, however, called for emergency measures in the form of three consultative meetings of Foreign Ministers and a special conference held at Mexico City in 1945. The First Meeting of Foreign Ministers at Panama in 1939 laid the basis for the maintenance of continental neutrality in accordance with standards of neutral conduct formally set forth in the Declaration of Panama. The Second Meeting of Foreign Ministers, held at Habana in 1940, proclaimed the principle of mutual defense against an attack by a non-American State and adopted measures to prevent the transfer of territory in the Western Hemisphere from one non-American State to another. The Third Meeting of Foreign Ministers, called in January 1942 after the entrance of the United States into the war, called for the breaking of diplomatic relations with the Axis Powers and for other measures of continental defense against the subversive activities of agents of tbp Axis Powers. In 1945, a special conference assembled in Mexico City to consolidate the defensive measures of the American States and to make pla is in anticipation of the conference to be held at San Francisco for the establishment of a general international organization for the maintenance of peace. This was followed by another special conference held at Rio de Janeiro in 1947 in which the collective security provisions adopted at Mexico City were given permanent form in the Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance.

II. The Inter-American Regional System

1945 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 490-500
Author(s):  
Charles G. Fenwick
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Mexico City ◽  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
International Organization ◽  
Regional Organization ◽  
American System ◽  
American States ◽  
Regional System ◽  
The Status ◽  
Foreign Ministers

For more than half a century, the states of the Western hemisphere have coöperated for the promotion of their mutual interests by means of a loose form of organization which is unique in the categories of political science. Step by step, the organization has proclaimed its principles and strengthened the machinery of its conferences and its consultative meetings of Foreign Ministers; step by step it has enlarged its functions and developed new agencies for their administration. But at no time have the American states sought to draw up a formal charter defining the status of their collective membership as constituting a corporate international person. Rather they have preferred to coöperate along practical lines and to develop their organization progressively as the circumstances of the time appeared to demand. In consequence, while the inter-American system exists as a fact, while it functions as an association or “union” of twentyone American states, its precise juridical character as a regional organization has never been defined. Whether the establishment of the new international organization contemplated by the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals will call for such a definition, in order to establish more accurately the relations between the two systems, is a question for speculation, now that the Conference at Mexico City is in progress.

The Cat’s-Paw

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick J. Kelly
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Mexico City ◽  
New World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
The Family ◽  
Napoleon Iii ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Death Knell

In the decades before the Civil War many Southerners argued that their slaveholding region should expand territorially beyond the boundaries of the United States into Latin America and the Caribbean, especially Cuba. Instead, during the Civil War the Confederacy renounced the capture any new territory in the Americas. Historians have neglected to explain fully the South’s failure to to fulfill its prewar ambitions to expand territorially in the New World after secession. Patrick J. Kelly argues that examining the Southern rebellion from the perspective of Mexico City, Havana, London and Paris reveals the stark geopolitical realities facing the Confederate nation in the New World. Instead of dominating the New World, the Southern rebellion served as a pawn, especially to the French Emperor Napoleon III, in hemispheric affairs. Ultimately, the Confederacy proved too weak internationally to to capture any new hemispheric territory or gain the foreign recognition it sought in order to operate as a sovereign state in the family of nations. In an ironic twist, instead of insuring the future of Southern slavery, secession marked the death knell of the South’s dream of creating an empire for slavery in the Western Hemisphere.

Inter-American System

1947 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 541-544
Keyword(s):  
Mexico City ◽  
Rio De Janeiro ◽  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
The Other ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
American System ◽  
Foreign Ministers

Fifth Meeting of American Foreign Ministers: The Foreign Ministers of the American Republics met at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, on August 15 to begin the adoption of a formal treaty for the defense of the western hemisphere in accordance with a resolution adopted by the Inter-American Conference on Problems of War and Peace held at Mexico City in March 1945. Nicaragua was not invited to attend the conference since her government, established by a coup d'etat in May, 1947, had not been recognized by the other American republics.

Security Council

1961 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 272-279 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Security Council ◽  
The United States ◽  
United States Government ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Key West ◽  
American States ◽  
States Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ultimate Objective

From its 921st through its 923d meetings the Security Council considered the complaint of the government of Cuba that the United States was planning direct military intervention in Cuba.Mr. Wadsworth, the representative of the United States and the first speaker, deplored the fact that because of continued provocation over nearly a two-year period the United States had been forced to break diplomatic relations with Cuba, and denied as false propaganda the Cuban charges that the United States was contemplating a military attack on Cuba. Mr. Roa, the Cuban representative, stated in his opening remarks that Cuba considered the Security Council the proper organ before which to bring its case, and that his country opposed any effort to transfer the examination of its claim to the Council of the Organization of American States. He charged, inter alia: 1) that United States materials had been air-lifted to counter-revolutionary groups in the Cuban mountains; 2) that United States Embassy officials had been engaged in espionage and in conspiracy with counterrevolutionary elements; 3) that false and harmful propaganda against Cuba was being broadcast from the United States, with the support of the United States government; 4) that mercenaries were being trained at Guantanamo Naval Base, with a view to launching a number of small military expeditions against different points of the island; and 5) that destroyers had been placed on the alert in Key West, ninety miles from Cuba. The ultimate objective of these movements, Mr. Roa added, was a military invasion of his country.

The Pan American Union at the Sixth International Conference of American States

1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 764-775
Author(s):  
William Manger
Keyword(s):  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Conference ◽  
American States ◽  
Differences Of Opinion ◽  
Sixth International Conference ◽  
Pan American ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
American Union ◽  
Sixth International

A clearer definition of the scope and purposes of the Pan American Union and a reaffirmation of faith and confidence in the purposes of the institution and the principles which it represents, are among the outstanding accomplishments of the Sixth International Conference of American States, which met at Habana from January 16 to February 20,1928. The discussions by the committee appointed to consider the organization of the Union demonstrated anew the interest of the representatives of the twenty-one Republics in the institution and their desire to make it of the greatest possible influence in cementing the bonds of economic, social and cultural union between the nations of the Western Hemisphere. Throughout the proceedings it was clearly evident that all the delegates were animated by these motives. Differences of opinion that developed were not of a fundamental character, affecting the existence of the Union itself, but related to the extent of the powers to be granted to the institution and to matters of internal organization. At the same time the results of the deliberations definitely settled the doubts and possible misunderstandings that had previously existed with respect to the extent of the political authority that the Union might exercise.

3. Text of Resolution on Strengthening Internal Security adopted by the Fourth Meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the American States on April 6, 1951

1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 433-435
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Specific Reference ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
International Conference ◽  
American States ◽  
Democracy In America ◽  
Foreign Governments ◽  
Foreign Ministers

The American republics at the Ninth International Conference of American States, with specific reference to "The Preservation and Defense of Democracy in America" and using as a basis Resolution VI of the second meeting of consultation, resolved to condemn the methods of every system tending to suppress political and civil rights and liberties; and in particular the action of international communism or any other totalitarian doctrine, and, consequently, to adopt, within their respective territories and in accordance with their respective constitutional provisions, the measures necessary to eradicate and prevent activities directed, assisted or instigated by foreign governments, organizations or individuals tending to overthrow their institutions by violence, to foment disorder in their domestic political life, or to disturb, by means of pressure, subversive propaganda, threats or by other means, the free and sovereign right of their peoples to govern themselves in accordance with their democratic aspirations;

Issue for the Americas: Non-Intervention v. Human Rights and the Preservation of Democratic Institutions

1961 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Margaret Ball
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
American States ◽  
Political Unrest ◽  
Protection Of Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Ministers ◽  
Similar Task

The problem of squaring the circle is not confined to mathematics. A somewhat similar task confronts the members of the Organization of American States (OAS) as they seek to enlarge respect for human rights and to create a firmer basis for democratic institutions in the life of the western hemisphere while maintaining the treasured principle of non-intervention. Not a new problem, it has increased in urgency in the last few years with the mounting opposition to dictatorships throughout the continent, with the increasingly communist orientation of Castro's government in Cuba, and with the political unrest elsewhere in Latin America to which Castro's victory appears to have contributed. Faced somewhat obliquely at the Sixth and Seventh Meetings of Foreign Ministers in Costa Rica in August 1960, it will have to be confronted more directly at the Eleventh International Conference of American States to be held in Ecuador in May 1961. The agenda for the Eleventh Conference contains items relating both to the protection of human rights and to the preservation of representative democracy.

The “Latin-American Bloc” in the United Nations

1961 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-436
Author(s):  
William G. Cornelius
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Relations ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
Popular Belief ◽  
American States ◽  
The United Nations

Much has been heard in the postwar years about “Hemispheric Solidarity.” In popular belief, this concept not only has concerned matters of security for the Western Hemisphere but frequently has been extended to cover practically all of the international relations of the American states. Particularly, there has been the widespread assumption that the Latin-American states form a bloc in the United Nations — and, incidentally, a bloc of twenty votes in the pocket of the United States.

The United States as Caudillo

1963 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 313-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norman A. Bailey
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cuban Missile Crisis ◽  
Concerted Action ◽  
San Jose ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
American States ◽  
Foreign Ministers ◽  
International Behavior

Latin-American international behavior has always seemed puzzling to the policy-makers of Washington, but perhaps never quite as incomprehensible as in connection with the recent Cuban missile crisis. On various occasions, notably during the San José and Punta del Este Foreign Ministers’ Conferences, the United States had attempted to obtain some concerted action against the aggresive and subversive activities of a Communist-dominated Cuba. The response of the Latin-American nations ranged from lukewarm to frigid, and the maximum that the U. S. was able to obtain (and that by a bare two-thirds vote) in the way of anti-Cuban action, was the expulsion of Cuba from the Organization of American States, a step which one must assume was greeted by the Cuban leaders with something less than total consternation.

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