Mexican Governors since Cardenas: Education and Career Contacts

1974 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 454-481 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roderic Ai Camp
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Small Sample ◽  
The Political ◽  
Systematic Research ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Recruitment Process ◽  
Local Politicians ◽  
Power Studies

There has been little systematic research of any kind on political leadership in Latin America (Welsh, 1970). This omission is regrettable because a study of political leadership indicates what types of men govern the political system, which institutions are most important in the recruitment process, and what careers are demanded of those leaders. In the Mexican political system, where local and national leadership is dependent upon the same organizations for power, studies of local politicians indicate what qualities characterize national elites.The only monograph which is devoted in detail to a study of the backgrounds, origins, and recruitment of political leaders of a single Latin American country is the work of José Luis de Imáz (1970) on Argentina. However, even Imáz's (1970: 13) work makes only passing references to provincial governors, and his conclusions are based on the surprisingly small sample of eighteen governors from three states.

scholarly journals Singapore: Reflections and Implications of Another Smart State

2003 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clive Edwards
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Development Strategy ◽  
Direct Investment ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
Michael Porter ◽  
State Initiatives ◽  
The Development Strategy

The objective of this paper is to analyse key elements of the development strategy of Singapore since the mid–1960s. The paper describes the economic challenge faced by Singapore in the mid–1960s, overviews contemporary world trends in foreign direct investment, and uses competitiveness constructs developed by Michael Porter (1985) to clarify key stages in the evolution of Singapore's development strategy. The paper argues that the strategy has been successful because of unremitting top priority given to it by Singapore's political leadership and because the political leaders charged a single organisation, the Economic Development Board (EDB), with absolute authority to develop and implement the strategy. The paper concludes with implications for Queensland's Smart State initiatives.

scholarly journals SOUTH KOREAN LEADERS IN THE POLITICS OF DEMOCRATIZATION

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 147-168
Author(s):  
Grażyna STRNAD
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Cultural Heritage ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Late Twentieth

This article aims to show the process of formation and operation (functioning) of the changing political system of South Korea. It is undertaken for the analysis of the process of the collapse of the former authoritarian political system and formation of South Korean democracy. Indicated in this article are the roles and participation of political leaders (Chun Doo Hwan, Roh Tae Woo, Kim Young Sam, and Kim Dae Jung) in the process of intense political change that took place in South Korea from the 1980s to the late twentieth century.During the authoritarian regimes of South Korea, the nation recorded spectacular economic development, but without political development. Political leadership in the democratization of the country was still authoritarian. Core values and attitudes of politicians pointed to the presence of the cultural heritage of Confucianism in politics.

scholarly journals Model for research of the style of political leadership in Serbia at the crossing of the millennium

2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Predrag Pavlicevic
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Political Language ◽  
Theoretical Approaches ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Analytical Tools ◽  
Aforementioned Study

This article indicated a model for a scientific description of styles of political leadership in Serbia from 1990 to the present, more precisely, pointed the basic elements of concept developed by the author in the study ?The style of political leaders in Serbia in the period 1990-2006? (2010). For the evaluation the author uses analytical tools that include the aforementioned concept, simultaneously indicating correlative theoretical approaches the aforementioned study did not examine, and may be of importance for the research of political elites in Serbia. This contributes the epistemological part of the method, which is registered in the definition of the style of political leadership as a term and the category apparatus that follows - understood from the aspect of the political style: the style in building political power, the style of political communication, the style of building one?s legitimacy, the ideological style, the styles of political language, symbolism and rituals, non-verbal communication and style in expressing patriotism. Starting from the fact that political styles are related to characteristics of political cultures and that it is necessary to make a concept of ideal typical models of styles focused on political subjects, this article marked the styles of political leadership typology related to the specific acting of political leaders in Serbia: authoritarian, republican, realistic, populist, conformist, revolutionary and style of a politician-rebel.

Collective Identity in National Anthems

2019 ◽  
pp. 45-64
Author(s):  
Hesham Mesbah
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Thematic Analysis ◽  
Collective Identity ◽  
Political System ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
National Symbols ◽  
The Common

This chapter explores how national anthems of African and non-African Arab nations reflect a collective national identity. The national anthems of 22 Arab countries were analyzed using the textual thematic analysis to identify the common attributes of national identity in these anthems and the variance in referring to political entities, national symbols, and natural artifacts according to the political system (republic vs. monarchy) in the country. The analysis shows five thematic components of the national identity presented by those anthems, with an emphasis on the themes of religion and local political leaders in the anthems of monarchies. On the other hand, republics base their identity on religion, history, and nation-related natural and national artifacts. The anthems of the republics show a higher level of complexity (thematic richness) and more tendency to use emotionally charged, forceful language, in contrast to the anthems of the monarchies.

Skin Color and System Support in Latin America

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Peter M. Sanchez ◽  
David Doherty ◽  
Kirstie Lynn Dobbs
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Skin Color ◽  
Political System ◽  
Social Inequalities ◽  
Economic Status ◽  
Skin Pigmentation ◽  
Negative Relationship ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Outcomes

Abstract Is darker skin pigmentation associated with less favorable social and political outcomes in Latin America? We leverage data from 18 Latin American countries across multiple survey waves to demonstrate the robust and potent negative relationship between the darkness of skin tone and socio-economic status. Then we examine the relationship between skin color and attitudes toward the political system. In spite of our substantial sample size, we find little support for the expectation that respondents with darker skin are less favorably disposed toward the political system—indeed, on balance, our findings run counter to this expectation. Our findings suggest that the socio-economic “pigmentocracy” that pervades the region does not necessarily translate into pronounced differences in attitudes about the political system. This finding casts some doubt on the expectation that social inequalities are likely to destabilize governments or undermine their legitimacy.

The kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro

1981 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Moss
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
Public Display ◽  
Funeral Rites ◽  
Charles I ◽  
Louis Xvi ◽  
Aldo Moro

Deaths of sovereigns or political leaders are generally accompanied by dramatic representation and celebration of the political order over which they have presided. The circumstances of death, funeral rites and destination of the corpse (cremation, burial or public display) proclaim the value and necessity of the ideas embodied in the ruler's office. However practically deficient or scandalous any particular ruler's interpretation of that office, the activities which surround his death reaffirm the invulnerability of the transcendent order to any local or temporary individual failings. Sometimes, however, the circumstances of a sovereign's death can be appropriated by his opponents not merely to decree that death but to destroy the ideological underpinnings of the political system itself: the trials and executions of Charles i and Louis xvi were not simply the punishment of individuals for specific crimes but rather symbolic destructions of monarchy itself staged by Cromwell and the conventionnels (Walzer 1974). Such occasions have been rare. A radical political opposition can expect at most to intervene in the timing of the ruler's death, by assassination, but draw no benefit from this, since it is likely to be even more effective than peaceful death in stimulating public affirmation of the existing order.

Italy's Renzi will face critical tests before year-end

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Economic Recovery ◽  
The Political ◽  
Deep Uncertainty ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Government

Significance This is a crucial step for the government before year-end, together with long-term banking issues and slowing economic recovery. The European Commission has allowed Italy considerable fiscal flexibility; the government promises to start reducing its debt-to-GDP ratio this year. However, the slowdown could delay achieving this goal. Under this scenario, the government has to campaign for the referendum on its Senate reform. A 'yes' vote is key not only for reforming the political system, but the government's survival. Impacts A 'no' outcome would pull Italy into deep uncertainty concerning its political leadership. It would also end Renzi's premiership; a new majority could follow up to the 2018 general election. However, since Renzi is the PD leader, he is unlikely to support a new government; early elections are likely. In case of a 'yes' outcome, Renzi's premiership will be reinforced, marking a turning point to his declining popularity.

Leadership, Equality & Democracy

Daedalus ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 145 (3) ◽  
pp. 8-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nannerl O. Keohane
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The United States ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Institutional Constraints ◽  
The Political ◽  
Abuse Of Power ◽  
Key Terms ◽  
The Relationship

The goal of this essay is to clarify the relationship between leadership and equality as two essential constitutive factors of a democratic political system. The essay is motivated by concern about increasing inequalities in the political system of the United States and other countries that describe themselves as democracies. The first section notes the logical tension between leadership and equality, and spells out my understanding of the key terms I use in this essay. I show how the tension between leadership and equality poses a conundrum for democratic governance. Yet the crux of my argument is that profound socioeconomic inequalities pose the more basic threat. I identify disparities in power, as distinct from leadership, as the root of the problem here. Leadership and power are often conflated. Eliding the differences between the two impedes our understanding of the dilemmas we face. The classical answer to concerns about the abuse of power is to establish institutional constraints on political leadership. Yet good leadership is essential in solving the problems we confront. Because leaders can take significant steps to reduce inequality, leadership and equality are not always in tension. If we are to emerge from our current malaise, we must recognize and draw upon the positive contributions of leadership to efficacious democratic governance.

scholarly journals Apoyo al sistema político y tolerancia política en el período gubernamental 2016 - 2020 a través de la identidad étnica

Sílex ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-50
Author(s):  
Edwin Cohaila
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political System ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Tolerance ◽  
Democratic Regime ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Los Grupos

El Perú ha atravesado, en este período gubernamental que empezó el 2016, diferentes situaciones políticas, la renuncia del presidente Kucyznski, la asunción al mando por parte de su vicepresidente Martín Vizcarra, el cierre del Congreso, la prisión preventiva de muchos actores políticos; sin embargo, se continuó con el régimen democrático, lo que podría suponer que la población mantiene un apoyo al sistema político y una tolerancia política, puesto que todo se encauzó dentro del marco constitucional. Para averiguar esta situación, se analizará la data que provee el Barómetro de las Américas (LAPOP) para los años 2016/2017 y 2018/2019 para el caso peruano, pero haciendo notar si existe alguna diferencia entre ambos periodos según la identidad étnica. El análisis manifiesta que el apoyo al sistema político se ha mantenido sin variación, mientras que la tolerancia política se ha incrementado; no obstante, al interior de la identidad étnica no todos los grupos se han mantenido bajo esa misma línea, ya que se observan diferencias significativas en especial en el grupo étnico quechua y mestizo. Peru has gone through this governmental period that began in 2016 with different political situations, resignation of President Kucyznski, assumption of command by his vice president Martín Vizcarra, closure of Congress, preventive detention of many political actors; however, the democratic regime continued, which could suppose that the population maintains support for the political system and political tolerance, since everything was channeled within the constitutional framework. To find out this situation, the data provided by the Latin American Public Opinion Project for the years 2016/2017 and 2018/2019 will be analyzed for the Peruvian case, but noting if there is any difference between the two periods according to ethnic identity. The analysis shows that support for the political system has remained unchanged, while political tolerance has increased, although within ethnic identity not all groups have remained along the same line, since there are significant differences especially in the quechua and mestizo ethnic group.

Indigenous Political Representation in Latin America

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberta Rice
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Indigenous Movements

Indigenous peoples have become important social and political actors in contemporary Latin America. The politicization of ethnic identities in the region has divided analysts into those who view it as a threat to democratic stability versus those who welcome it as an opportunity to improve the quality of democracy. Throughout much of Latin America’s history, Indigenous peoples’ demands have been oppressed, ignored, and silenced. Latin American states did not just exclude Indigenous peoples’ interests; they were built in opposition to or even against them. The shift to democracy in the 1980s presented Indigenous groups with a dilemma: to participate in elections and submit themselves to the rules of a largely alien political system that had long served as an instrument of their domination or seek a measure of representation through social movements while putting pressure on the political system from the outside. In a handful of countries, most notably Bolivia and Ecuador, Indigenous movements have successfully overcome this tension by forming their own political parties and contesting elections on their own terms. The emergence of Indigenous peoples’ movements and parties has opened up new spaces for collective action and transformed the relationship between Indigenous peoples and the state. Indigenous movements have reinvigorated Latin America’s democracies. The political exclusion of Indigenous peoples, especially in countries with substantial Indigenous populations, has undoubtedly contributed to the weakness of party systems and the lack of accountability, representation, and responsiveness of democracies in the region. In Bolivia, the election of the country’s first Indigenous president, Evo Morales (2006–present) of the Movement toward Socialism (MAS) party, has resulted in new forms of political participation that are, at least in part, inspired by Indigenous traditions. A principal consequence of the broadening of the democratic process is that Indigenous activists are no longer forced to choose between party politics and social movements. Instead, participatory mechanisms allow civil society actors and their organizations to increasingly become a part of the state. New forms of civil society participation such as Indigenous self-rule broaden and deepen democracy by making it more inclusive and government more responsive and representative. Indigenous political representation is democratizing democracy in the region by pushing the limits of representative democracy in some of the most challenging socio-economic and institutional environments.

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