scholarly journals SOUTH KOREAN LEADERS IN THE POLITICS OF DEMOCRATIZATION

Author(s):  
Grażyna STRNAD

This article aims to show the process of formation and operation (functioning) of the changing political system of South Korea. It is undertaken for the analysis of the process of the collapse of the former authoritarian political system and formation of South Korean democracy. Indicated in this article are the roles and participation of political leaders (Chun Doo Hwan, Roh Tae Woo, Kim Young Sam, and Kim Dae Jung) in the process of intense political change that took place in South Korea from the 1980s to the late twentieth century.During the authoritarian regimes of South Korea, the nation recorded spectacular economic development, but without political development. Political leadership in the democratization of the country was still authoritarian. Core values and attitudes of politicians pointed to the presence of the cultural heritage of Confucianism in politics.

2003 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clive Edwards

The objective of this paper is to analyse key elements of the development strategy of Singapore since the mid–1960s. The paper describes the economic challenge faced by Singapore in the mid–1960s, overviews contemporary world trends in foreign direct investment, and uses competitiveness constructs developed by Michael Porter (1985) to clarify key stages in the evolution of Singapore's development strategy. The paper argues that the strategy has been successful because of unremitting top priority given to it by Singapore's political leadership and because the political leaders charged a single organisation, the Economic Development Board (EDB), with absolute authority to develop and implement the strategy. The paper concludes with implications for Queensland's Smart State initiatives.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 31-36
Author(s):  
Fazilat Nurmetova ◽  

The article states that the Uzbek-South Korean economic relations have reached a new level, in particular, the Joint Statement of the Heads of State on the comprehensive deepening of the Strategic Partnership, the Memorandum of Cooperation between the Ministry of Employment and Labor and the Ministry of Human Resources, 2018-2020. Intergovernmental Agreement on Loans from the Fund for Economic Development and Cooperation and the Fund for Reconstruction and Development of Uzbekistan Export-Import Bank of Korea, an agreement on financial cooperation relations have been analyzed using scientific publications and Internet services.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 575-602
Author(s):  
Katri Kauhanen

The Korean National Council of Women, a women’s organization established in 1959, has received criticism in Korean literature for its collaboration with the authoritarian regimes that ruled South Korea for decades. This article, however, argues for a different kind of interpretation. The Korean National Council of Women came together to join the International Council of Women, a major international women’s organization that was looking for new affiliations in the recently decolonized parts of Asia and Africa in the midst of Cold War competition. Thus, we should view the existence of the Korean National Council of Women in the framework of transnational women’s activism and how the Cold War shaped it. After outlining the connections made between South Korean women and the International Council of Women, the article analyzes the projects proposed by the Korean National Council of Women under the anti-communist authoritarian regime. Based on archival research in South Korea and Belgium, this article argues that instead of following rules from above, the Korean National Council of Women negotiated a way to combine the advancement of women’s issues with the development of the nation. The International Council of Women, while criticizing communist women for their close relationship with the state, celebrated the achievements its South Korean affiliate made as a state-registered organization.


1969 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul R. Brass

TWENTY YEARS OF BREAKDOWNS IN PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENTS; the replacement of competitive political systems by military-bureaucratic regimes throughout Asia and Africa; civil war in Vietnam; the disintegration of Nigeria and the perpetration of genocide in that country, have inspired pessimism among most observers about the future of democratic politics in the new states. It has been suggested that political scientists now turn their attentions to the question of ‘political decay’ as well as to the question of ‘political development’ and that political leaders in the new states concentrate upon building the instruments of political control before engaging in serious economic development and social mobilization, and before permitting political competition and political participation: for, it is argued, rapid increases in economic development, social mobilization, and political participation work against the building and maintenance of strong and stable political institutions in a developing society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-462
Author(s):  
Jong-sung You ◽  
Jiun-Da Lin

AbstractSouth Korea and Taiwan have developed very different sets of election campaign regulations. While both countries had highly restrictive campaign rules during the authoritarian era, they have diverged since democratic transition. South Korea still imposes numerous restrictions on campaigning activities, but Taiwan has removed most of the restrictions. We explore the causes of these divergent trajectories through comparative historical process tracing, focusing on critical junctures and path dependence. We find that incumbency advantage and containment of new opposition parties were the primary objectives of introducing stringent regulations under the authoritarian regimes in both countries. The key difference was that, during the democratic transition, legislators affiliated with the opposition parties as well as the ruling party in South Korea enjoyed the incumbency advantage but that opposition forces in Taiwan did not. As a result, the opposition in Taiwan fought for liberalization of campaign regulations, but the South Korean opposition did not.


2021 ◽  
pp. 357-370
Author(s):  
R. Sh. Mamedov ◽  
M. A. Sapronova

The features of recruiting the political elite of Iraq after the overthrow of the regime of President Saddam Hussein in 2003 are considered. The relevance of the study is due to the need to study the processes of elite formation in the Middle East during the period of regional transformations. The key mechanisms and principles of the formation of the Iraqi political elite within the framework of the emerging post-Saddam political system have been identified. It is shown that the political leaders who came into power with the support of the Americans until 2003 were the “counter-elite” of S. Hussein, therefore participation in the opposition movements became an important criterion for recruiting. Special attention is paid to the informal (traditional) principles of recruiting the new elite, which have become the main mechanism of this process. In particular, the following principles are described: “muhassasa taifiyya”, which assumes the distribution of political positions in accordance with the share of ethno-confessional groups in the general population, clan solidarity, and religious institutions. It is emphasized that the role of Shiite religious structures, including spiritual leaders, and their influence on the formation of the political elite have significantly increased compared to the pre-occupation period.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (17) ◽  
pp. 9719
Author(s):  
Tomohiro Tasaki ◽  
Ryo Tajima ◽  
Yasuko Kameyama

Understanding the criteria underlying development in a country is crucial to formulating developmental plans. However, it is not always clear which criteria are more important than others in different countries and at different times. The relationship between developmental criteria and the stage of economic development is also unclear in many countries. Therefore, we devised an indirect stated preference approach for the measurement of the importance of developmental criteria and employed it in four Asian countries—Japan, South Korea, Thailand, and Vietnam—to measure the importance of sustainable development (SD) criteria perceived by the general public. Specifically, we evaluated the importance of 58 national goals linked to 1 of 11 SD criteria. Security, efficiency, accessibility, capability, and environmental capacity were perceived as relatively important by respondents in all four countries. The respondents perceived that the currently important criteria would be important in the future as well. The order of the importance in each country differed. For example, environmental capacity was ranked lower, and inclusiveness was ranked higher as the gross domestic product of a country increased. Thai and Vietnamese respondents had similar perceptions and, overall, tended to have higher levels of importance than South Korean and Japanese respondents, who also had similar perceptions of importance.


Author(s):  
James C. Schopf

While Easton's systems theory contributed to political science by demonstrating how the political system meets societal demands with policy outputs, he ignored the state's role in providing security in a hostile international environment. Hence, this chapter builds a sub-systemic governance model, arguing that large input generating groups require sufficient public goods to maintain the domestic political system and the state. Application to the South Korean case demonstrates that public good allocations increased along with the size of the input generating group. A functioning transmission belt, in the form of civic groups and elected local government, facilitated articulation of these demands to political leaders. Disruption of this subsystem in cases with unmet demands from large input generating groups can destabilize the state and its domestic political system. This new sub-systemic model seeks to advance understanding of the operation of the system and open up new areas of research into the persistence of the domestic political system.


Author(s):  
Daniel A. Bell ◽  
Daniel A. Bell

Westerners tend to divide the political world into “good” democracies and “bad” authoritarian regimes, but the Chinese political model does not fit neatly in either category. Over the past three decades, China has evolved a political system that can best be described as “political meritocracy.” This book seeks to understand the ideals and the reality of this unique political system. How do the ideals of political meritocracy set the standard for evaluating political progress (and regress) in China? How can China avoid the disadvantages of political meritocracy? And how can political meritocracy best be combined with democracy? This book answers these questions and more. Opening with a critique of “one person, one vote” as a way of choosing top leaders, it argues that Chinese-style political meritocracy can help to remedy the key flaws of electoral democracy. It discusses the advantages and pitfalls of political meritocracy, distinguishes between different ways of combining meritocracy and democracy, and argues that China has evolved a model of democratic meritocracy that is morally desirable and politically stable. It also summarizes and evaluates the “China model”—meritocracy at the top, experimentation in the middle, and democracy at the bottom—and its implications for the rest of the world. The book looks at a political system that not only has had a long history in China, but could prove to be the most important political development of the twenty-first century.


Author(s):  
Sanghoon Kim ◽  
Hah-Zoong Song

The development of South Korea, due to relevant and effective industrial policies, is unique in the modern history of industrialization. Within one generation, the country transformed itself from a poor agrarian society into a modern industrial power, all the more remarkably in that its rapid economic development was broad-based and supported by all stakeholders. From 1962, the South Korean government aggressively pursued an economic development strategy that centred on manufacturing-sector growth, driven largely by industrial complexes. Lately, more than 900 industrial clusters account for 62 per cent of the country’s manufacturing production and 80 per cent of total exports. South Korea’s policies designate physical sites and facilitate growth platforms that reinforce cooperation and coordination between industries, academia, and research. This chapter reviews the path of industrial development that South Korea took, with attention to the industrial complexes and clusters scattered across the country, and the measures and policies that enabled them.


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