The Political Advantage of Medicare Advantage

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brendan Williams
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Medicare Advantage ◽  
Political Advantage

scholarly journals Teologi Politik Berbalu SARA Antara Ambisi dan Konspirasi

KALAM ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 85
Author(s):  
M. Sidi Ritau'din
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Poor People ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Abuse Of Power ◽  
Contemporary Politics ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Cultural Democracy ◽  
Political Advantage

In a multi-cultural democracy based on Pancasila philosophy of independence, ethnic, religious, racial and intergroup issues it call (SARA) are political indicators that can trigger conflict and division. If the player is ambitious and power-hungry, then he will not hesitate to do everything he can to gain power, even build a big conspiracy using SARA as a tool to divide the ummah, then he emerges as a unifier and presents programs prestigious sympathetic, there Imaging actions and slogans of the pro poor people, but essentially no more as political deceit, a false gift of hope, it familiar said (PHP) that never realized, only reap the political advantage in the game of SARA, even not hesitate to shout thief when he Itself is a thieving thief based on greed and greed where the horizontal relations of fellow human beings deny the bond of faith as the foundation. Political conspiracy based on political interests and abuse of power, an action of political pathology that is not civilized that has become a trend of contemporary politics and globalization.

Administrative Policy and Practice in Sarawak: Continuity and Change Under the Brookes

1970 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 851-862 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jon M. Reinhardt
Keyword(s):  
Significant Contribution ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Retail Trade ◽  
Modern World ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Trade Patterns ◽  
Continuity And Change ◽  
Administrative Policy ◽  
Political Advantage

AbstractOne hundred years of Brooke rule in Sarawak seem to present a stark contrast to the political and social foment in Burma, Indonesia and Vietnam. Cognizant of the ill effects of European domination in the archipelago, the Brookes established a paternalistic rule whose policies were designed to curtail European economic investment in the area and to protect the indigenous inhabitants from internal and external exploitation. However, despite the fact that Brooke rule was structured for maintaining traditional order, not development, the European interlude in north Bornean history may have been more of a deviation than is apparent. The suppression of “piracy” in the area and the political domination of the Brookes over most of the northeastern part of the island had several important results. First, the area trade patterns—if piracy can be seen as a form of luxury trade—were altered to the ultimate economic advantage of the Chinese who came to dominate retail trade. Second, the natural northeastern expansion of the Iban people was halted to the chief benefit of the indigenous Malays who gained significant political advantage under die Brookes. Finally, an inevitable depersonalization of rule occurred as the administration of the state became increasingly complex. If, in a “modern” world, a rule of law, not economic development per se, is the essential ingredient for political stability, Brooke rule made a significant contribution to the political viability of northern Borneo by fostering a White, civilized way of settling disputes.

scholarly journals The Iranian-American competition in Iraq: the political defeat of the United States

2021 ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Nikolay Bobkin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Us Military ◽  
Military Presence ◽  
Scientific Hypothesis ◽  
The Us ◽  
Political Advantage ◽  
Invasion Of Iraq

The article gives an assessment of Iran's policy in neighboring Iraq during the years of the American occupation. The author's scientific hypothesis is that after the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, Iran, and not America, became the real beneficiary of the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. The Iranian leadership, interested in changing the Baathist regime in Baghdad, having received such a strategic gift, did everything to use the US military presence to its advantage. The purpose of this study is to analyze the strategy of expanding Iran's influence in Iraq and its impact on US policy. The article shows that the nature of Iran's influence in Iraq included all the elements of state power: diplomatic, informational, military and economic. It is concluded that Tehran managed to take advantage of the democratic reforms in Iraq, which were carried out under the control of Washington. Iran used its Shiite henchmen, which gave it a political advantage over the United States, which did not have such influential allied forces in Iraq. Despite the disparate balance of military forces with America, Iran managed to avoid the risk of war with the United States and move on to achieving its long-term goals in Iraq. In the future, Tehran plans to achieve the rejection of Baghdad from constructive relations with Washington.

4. Iran and the West

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali M. Ansari
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Scientific Revolution ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic Revolution ◽  
The West ◽  
Economic Opportunities ◽  
Political Advantage ◽  
Constitutional Revolution ◽  
The Relationship

‘Iran and the West’ charts the relationship between Iran and the West beginning in the 16th and 17th centuries with increased contact with Western rulers eager to secure both economic opportunities and political advantage. In the 18th century, as Europe embarked on Enlightenment and scientific revolution, Iran entered a period of prolonged political and economic turmoil—the collapse of the Safavid state and then the rise of the Qajar dynasty. The Constitutional Revolution of 1906 profoundly altered the political and social direction of the country and laid the foundations for much that was to follow. Twentieth-century politics and the profound effects of the 1979 Islamic Revolution are also described.

Anthropological realism in a scientistic age

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Herzfeld
Keyword(s):  
Social Experience ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Thought ◽  
Sharp Distinction ◽  
Audit Culture ◽  
Anthropological Theory ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Realist Position ◽  
Political Advantage

Anthropology is a realist discipline. In this article, I draw a sharp distinction between realism and scientism, or objectivism, arguing that realism requires the recognition of the contexts and contingency of all knowledge, including ethnography, whereas scientism – a rhetoric that invokes science as its source of authority – paradoxically occludes recognition of its own context of production. A realist position, anchored in social experience and aware of the limitations that such an entailment involves, is thus far better situated to explore the political implications of anthropological theory, especially in a world where market consumerism, neoliberalism and audit culture, as well as certain authoritarian regimes, have, to their political advantage, substituted quantitative rhetoric for critical thought.

Polarization of COVID-19 Vaccine Discourse on Twitter: Implications for Vaccine Policy (Preprint)

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Loni Hagen ◽  
Ashley Fox ◽  
Heather O'Leary ◽  
Deaundre Dyson ◽  
Kimberly Walker ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
General Population ◽  
Adult Population ◽  
The Political ◽  
Connected Group ◽  
Twitter Data ◽  
Political Advantage ◽  
Social Media Presence ◽  
Political Right ◽  
Roll Out

UNSTRUCTURED Since COVID-19 vaccines became broadly available to the adult population, sharp divergences in uptake have emerged along partisan lines. Researchers have pointed to a polarized social media presence contributing to the spread of mis-/dis-information as being responsible for these growing partisan gaps in uptake. The major aim of this study was to identify and describe influential actors, topics, behaviors, and community structures related to COVID-19 vaccine conversations on Twitter prior to the vaccine roll-out to the general population and discuss implications for vaccine promotion and policy. Using Twitter data on COVID-19 vaccination during July 2020, we found that Twitter vaccine conversations were highly polarized with different actors occupying separate “clusters.” The anti-vaccine cluster was the most densely connected group. Among the 100 most influential actors, medical experts are outnumbered both by partisan actors and by activist vaccine skeptics/conspiracy theorists. Scientists and medical actors were largely absent from the conservative network, and anti-vaccine sentiment was especially salient among actors on the political right. Conversations related to COVID-19 vaccines are highly polarized along partisan lines with “trust” in vaccines being manipulated to the political advantage of partisan actors.

Public Reason and Illiberal Democracy

2020 ◽  
pp. 287-302
Author(s):  
Anna Śledzińska-Simon
Keyword(s):  
Majority Rule ◽  
Public Reason ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Court Decisions ◽  
State Action ◽  
Illiberal Democracy ◽  
Political Advantage ◽  
Rules Of The Game

Illiberal democracy is characterized by four features: pretending to play the democratic rules of the game; instrumental use of the law to gain political advantage; location of the source of political legitimacy in majority rule; and recourse to religiously driven morality as a basis for state action. Paradoxically, in this regime, both legislators and constitutional adjudicators continue to use rational justification to legitimize public policies and court decisions, but the reasons they provide do not indicate an overlapping political consensus on a given matter. This contribution aims to demonstrate that in illiberal democracy public reason ceases to fulfil its two main functions: to discipline those who dominate the political process and to protect the autonomy of those who are prevailed upon. Hence, it argues, public reason in illiberal democracy has a new meaning: it denotes a hierarchy of values that prevail over individual rights and interests.

Lord John Russell and the Church Rate Conflict: The Struggle for a Broad Church, 1834–1868

1987 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 232-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. P. Ellens
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Whig Party ◽  
Rate System ◽  
Quarter Century ◽  
Political Advantage ◽  
High Church ◽  
The Church

In the election campaign of 1859, after twenty-five years of tirelessly defending the church rate principle that ratepayers of all religious denominations were liable to the rate levied for the maintenance of Anglican parish churches, Lord John Russell declared that he had come to favor abolishing church rates. The Tory Standard railed that the aging statesman had caved in to “senile ambition,” while another conservative critic charged that Russell had agreed to sacrifice church rates at the Willis's Rooms meeting in 1859 as part of a deal made to win the political support of Protestant Nonconformists. Spencer Walpole, the High Church chancellor of the Exchequer, was more charitable and more accurate, however, when after the election he responded to Russell's decision by acknowledging that the establishment was indebted to Russell for stalwartly having defended the church rate for decades as a bulwark of the church establishment.Although Russell was too clever a politician to disregard political advantage or public opinion during his quarter-century fight to retain church rates, it was not his Whig politics but his Broad Church ecclesiology that best accounts for his long and dogged defense of the church rate. From 1834 through 1837, during the first four years of the church rate conflict, Russell's stance appeared to be that of the Whig statesman. First in Earl Grey's administration and then in Lord Melbourne's, he attempted to reform the church rate system sufficiently to satisfy Dissenters that they could count on the Whig party as the party of reform.

Excerpts from Declaration of Gordon E. Baker in Badham v. Eu

1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (03) ◽  
pp. 551-560
Author(s):  
Gordon E. Baker
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Federal Courts ◽  
The Political ◽  
Test Case ◽  
Traditional Practice ◽  
Fair Representation ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Political Advantage ◽  
The 1960S

Gerrymandering—the intentional manipulation of legislative boundaries for political advantage—is a venerable practice. Why, then, some might wonder, should we pay greater attention to it at this time? In particular, should judicial inquiry into constitutional issues of fair representation, intense for some two decades, now turn to what may well seem to comprise the heart of the “political thicket”? Throughout this period of reapportionment litigation, federal courts have alluded to the problem, with increasing concern shown by members of the Supreme Court of the United States, about its importance (e.g.,Karcher v. Daggett, 103 S. Ct. 2653: 1983). Is the time ripe for a direct judicial examination of the gerrymander on constitutional grounds? And, if so, does California comprise an appropriate test case?Prerequisite to answering such questions are: (1) an understanding of how and why gerrymandering, in magnitude, extent, and impact, has become an essentially new kind of issue rather than a mere extension of a traditional practice; and (2) a need to develop judicially manageable standards of identifying gerrymanders.Prior to the reapportionment revolution of the 1960s, there existed a variety of constraints that conditioned boundary manipulation. For one thing, a large number of states simply failed to redistrict for several decades, the situation that triggeredBaker v. Can(369 U.S. 186: 1962),Wesberry v. Sanders(376 U.S. 1: 1964),et al.This resulted in great disparities in population among districts, a form of “silent” or “status quo” gerrymander that in practice minimized periodic boundary manipulation. For example, district lines for Congress were typically redrawn only in states—usually a minority—that lost or gained seats.

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