scholarly journals Bohorodyts'ka and Starosamars'ka hundred (sotnya): administrative system and officer (starshyna) corps

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 49
Author(s):  
Oleh Anatoliiovych Repan

Bohorodyts'ka and Starosamars'ka hundred (sotnya)is an unique Cossack formations. They existed in a territorial isolation from the Hetmanate and Slobozhanshchyna, on the lands of the Zaporozhian Sich. The study of these formations will better understand the policy of the Russian government in relation to the Sich, to find out the methods by which the state authorities planned to put Zaporizhzhya Cossacks under their control. We do not know when the Bohorodyts'ka hundred (sotnya) arose. Now the first mention in the documents dates back to 1700. The Russian government planned to create a Cossack regiment (polk) here, but in reality was founded a Cossack hundred (sotnya). Ivan Mazepa, as an autonomous ruler, wanted to include this formation in the structure of Hetmanate, but a hundred (sotnya) was subject to the authority of a representative of the Russian administration – the Kiev governor. The hundreds (sotnya) were liquidated as a result of Russia's defeat in the war with Turkey and the signing of the Prut peace in 1711. We do not know when the Cossack hundred (sotnya) was restored under the name Starosamars'ka. This happened in the late 1730s – early 1740s. In 1744, the Starosamarsʼka hundreds became part of the Poltava regiment (polk) of the Hetmanate. The administrative apparatus of the hundreds was predominantly similar to other hundreds of Hetmanates, but the real power of the Cossack officers was a bit lower here. During the existence of the Starosamars'ka hundreds, such a body of self-government was preserved as a council (rada) that was not typical for the Hetmanate in this period. This was due to the fact that the peoples could easily escape from their power and move to neighboring settlements and recognize the jurisdiction of the Zaporozhska Sich. The population of hundreds and officers consisted mainly of immigrants from the left bank of the Dnieper, to a lesser extent – from immigrants from the right bank. Summing up, I note that the Bohorodyts'ka and Starosamars'ka hundred (sotnya) appeared as instruments of control of the Russian government over the colonization of Zaporizhye cossacklands. The Bohorodyts'ka hundred (sotnya), as far as we can judge, was under the direct authority of the Kiev governor. Starosamars'ka hundred (sotnya) became part of the Hetmanate. This is due to the fact that in the 1740s the Russian government was already convinced of the reliable control over the Hetmanate, although at the end of the 17th century there was no such control. Zaporizhska Sich fought both with legal and violent methods with this hundred (sotnya), which was located on the lands of the Zaporozhian Cossacks. The Starosamars'ka hundred (sotnya) ceased to exist in October 1761, when its territory entered the jurisdiction of the Zaporozhzhya Sich.

2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 438-453
Author(s):  
Chaim Shinar

At least as far back as the reign of Tsar Nicholas I, Russia's state bureaucracy has been widely considered to be top-heavy, corrupt, inefficient and tyrannical. By the early twentieth century the real driving force of Russian history and society was neither the constitutional façade erected by the autocracy to stifle the revolution nor the subsequent Bolshevik seizure of power, but rather the growth of the state bureaucracy. Similarly, in the course of the twentieth century, analysts on both the left and the right came to view hyper-bureaucratic growth unchecked by democratic constraint as the major problem of Soviet society. Attempts to reduce bureaucratic interference in the economy of post-Soviet Russia have not resulted in positive change.


Philosophia ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henrik D. Kugelberg

AbstractA common objection to political liberalism is that since reasonable citizens agree that some ways of life are worse than others – for instance that the life of a drug addict is less worthwhile than the life of a person who spends her time with family and philosophy – political liberals must concede that the state can sometimes permissibly use perfectionist reasons. I argue in this paper that this challenge is mistaken, because the comparison only tells us something about relative, not absolute, value. And because the real question concerns what the right justificatory constituency looks like, not what counts as reasonable in some other sense, the implication is that perfectionists and political liberals could construct equally plausible idealised constituencies. This stalemate gives us reason to develop arguments in favour of our preferred justificatory constituency. We cannot view local comparative judgements in isolation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 118-122
Author(s):  
T. A. Masalova

The article considers the issues of guarantees of protection of the policeman's right to financial security, in particular, the definition of "guarantees of protection of the policeman's right to financial security", defines the purpose, objectives and functions of the investigated guarantees, and outlines the structure of basic guarantees. Thus, guarantees for the protection of the right of police officers to financial security are considered as a set of legal and organizational-legal means, methods and conditions by which the police and state bodies ensure the real restoration of the violated right to remuneration. It is concluded that today the guarantees of protection of the police officer's right to monetary security are a special manifestation of guarantees of protection of the employee's right to remuneration. This position allows us to draw the following conclusions: (1) the extension to the police of labor law and other guarantees of protection of labor rights of employees contributes to the expansion of the set of human-centered principles available in labor law in this area. This does not allow the state to subject police officers to labor exploitation, which degrades their human dignity, and obliges them to properly ensure and protect the right of these officers to a decent reward for their work; (2) as the real existence of guarantees of human and civil rights and freedoms in Ukraine is still far from adequate, the guarantees of protection of the police officer's right to financial security are not sufficiently perfect. Meanwhile, it should be borne in mind that the importance of police work, as well as ensuring a high level of social security of these officers has led to the creation and operation of a legal mechanism to protect the right of police officers to a decent reward. conditions under which a police officer may confirm and protect the right to financial security by all means and methods available to him, which do not endanger the state of national security of the state.


Alamedas ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-133
Author(s):  
Márcio Bonini Notari

RESUMONa segunda seção, Kant menciona: “Os artigos definitivos para a paz perpétua entre os Estados são três: o primeiro, a Constituição civil em cada Estado deve ser republicana. A constituição de um Estado preocupado com a liberdade das pessoas, enquanto componentes de uma sociedade, da sua dependência a uma legislação comum e da sua igualdade como cidadãos. O direito das gentes deve ser fundado sobre um federalismo de Estados livres. Para garantir um estado de paz, Kant sugere a formação de uma união entre os povos, que não seria o mesmo que um Estado congregando povos, pois cada um tem e deve conservar a sua individualidade e o terceiro, o direito cosmopolita deve ser limitado às condições da hospitalidade universal. Essa ultima concepção, Kant no final do século XVII, já falava do “direito da posse comunitária da superfície da Terra”, e que, em virtude de suas dimensões limitadas, somos obrigados a conviver uns com os outros, tornando-se necessário exercitar. Essa ultima concepção, permite problematizar a questão dos estrangeiros e do colonialismo reforçando a necessidade da liga das nações em assegurar o direito cosmopolita, regulador das relações entre Estado e Cidadãos de outros estados (Estrangeiros), em não ser tratados com hostilidade em qualquer parte do globo, numa perspectiva de uma cidadania universal.Palavras chaves: Direito dos povos, direito cosmopolita, colonialismo.In the second section, Kant mentions: “There are three definitive articles for perpetual peace between states: the first, the civil constitution in each state must be republican. The constitution of a State concerned with people's freedom, as components of a society, of their dependence on common legislation and of their equality as citizens. People's law must be founded on a federalism of free states. To guarantee a state of peace, Kant suggests the formation of a union between peoples, which would not be the same as a State congregating peoples, since each one has and must preserve its individuality and the third, the cosmopolitan right must be limited to conditions of universal hospitality. This last conception, Kant at the end of the 17th century, already spoke of the “right to community possession of the Earth's surface”, and that, due to its limited dimensions, we are obliged to live with each other, making it necessary to exercise. This latter conception allows us to problematize the issue of foreigners and colonialism, reinforcing the need for the league of nations to ensure the cosmopolitan right, which regulates relations between the State and Citizens of other states (Foreigners), in not being treated with hostility anywhere in the world. globe, in a perspective of universal citizenship.Key words: Peoples' law, cosmopolitan law, colonialism 


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Иван Мишуров ◽  
Ivan Mishurov ◽  
Ольга Мишурова ◽  
Olga Mishurova

The article is devoted to justifying the need for the existence of state ideology, its national foundations and adjustments to article 13 of the Russian Constitution to delete provisions of the absence of the state ideology of the Russian Federation. State ideology is present in each state. The importance of this phenomenon has led to much attention to it by philosophers, politicians and other scientists over the past two centuries. There are different views on the concept of "ideology" and different ideological schools: liberalism, conservatism, anarchism, social democracy, socialism, and others. This diversity is defined by different needs and interests of social groups, media and spokesmen of ideological views. Ideology is an articulation of the fundamental interests of large social groups (forces) of the society, it is a system of views and ideas, which gives a complete interpretation of social and political life, its meaning, direction and prospects of showing certain ways of solving social problems. Ideologies are expressed in attitudes of communities to social problems and conflicts, objectives and generalized program of activities. The leading link here is represented by interests. It is the state who expresses and defends the national interests, regulates, as a rule, with the help of legal norms the totality of socio-political, economic, national and family relations, thus contributing to the stabilization and development of society. It has the right to have its own (state, national or multi-national state) ideology. That is why the Russian government cannot but have a nation-state ideology. That is the need for national-state ideology that is proved in this article.


2011 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-419
Author(s):  
Miroslav Šedivý

After the Napoleonic Wars, central Europe frequently witnessed important diplomatic discussions, and cities such as Vienna, Aix-la-Chapelle, Carlsbad, Troppau, and Laibach served as the places for rendezvous of European monarchs and diplomats. Austrian Chancellor Clemens Wenzel Lothar Nepomuk Prince von Metternich-Winneburg played a leading role at these meetings between 1814 and 1822, and he particularly wanted them to take place in the territories of the Austrian Empire because he could therefore better control their course and exert influence over the events to an extent undoubtedly exceeding the real power of the state whose interests he advocated. This is exactly what happened after 1814, and the subsequent years were definitely the happiest period in the life of the man known for his extraordinary diplomatic talent as well as his vanity. It was all the more difficult for him to reconcile himself with the loss of the position of the “coachman of Europe” in the 1820s when the alliance formed by the five European powers (Great Britain, France, Prussia, the Austrian Empire, and Russia) failed to solve the Greek war of independence. The July Revolution of 1830 then created a gulf between the liberal and conservative powers, so that neither the willingness of the five powers to cooperate under his leadership nor the necessary conditions for his leadership existed in the 1830s.


Author(s):  
Thamer Aref Jameel, Mohammed Hatem Al-byat Thamer Aref Jameel, Mohammed Hatem Al-byat

  The notary has enjoyed a privileged position in the legal system, and the work of the notary is considered a form of achieving justice, as this profession has an impact on society, as it is considered one of the most dangerous professions because the nature of the documentary’s work is based on establishing the rights of individuals in an official form such as the transfer of ownership, and given the importance of the documentary in The law has assigned the legislator a special protection for it and in return impose a penalty for everyone who prejudices the sanctity of the contracts notarized and concluded by the real estate notary, as the authority of the notary is considered the authority of the law, as the notary is authorized by the state and has rights and obligations regulated by law. Documentation has also become one of the basic factors in the lives of individuals and their relationships in society, as it has become a tool in the hands of the state to follow up and supervise legal work, and with the development of the notary’s work with social and economic openness, there has become a great demand for documentation by individuals in order to ensure their rights and obligations. It is considered a legal guarantee of individual rights (Makhlouf, 2015, p. 81). We conclude from this study that the notary is responsible for his professional mistakes towards his client, and for this reason the aggrieved (client) has the right to refer to the notary or the authority to which the notary is affiliated in his work based on the provisions of the responsibility of the follower for the fault of the follower, and the aggrieved party has the right to sue them together, as the aim of these The study is a statement of the civil liability that falls on the real estate notary and a statement of the duties and rights that he owes. As for the lawsuit for compensation for the damage that the client suffered against the notary, the law did not distinguish it with special provisions in terms of its prescription period, but rather subjected it to general provisions in the civil law, In order for the civil notary to be responsible, the general elements of any liability must be met, which are three pillars: First, the documentary error, whether intentional or not, and it occurred before the writing of the notary, or during its writing, or after the writing of that contract, and the criterion by which this error is measured is the behavior of the notary Average in terms of adequacy, and that the damage is realized and is a direct result of that error.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-96
Author(s):  
Стрыгина ◽  
Marina Strygina
Keyword(s):  
The Real ◽  

The article discusses the possibility of implementing the rights of citizens in managing the state through participation in elections of heads of administrations of municipal entities (city managers). The author analyzes the real possibilities and limits of realization of the right of citizens to participate in managing the Affairs of the state; the system of appointment by competition of heads of local administrations.


Author(s):  
I.B. Bochkareva

The state and private capital, mainly foreign, were the main actors of Russian railway network creating process in the post-reform period. At the same time, in Turkestan, the Russian Government consciously discouraged private initiatives in the field of railway construction for a long time, preventing private capital from acquiring the quality of an actor along with the state. Although the government maintained a policy of building railways in the region at the Treasury expense, since the 1870s it has regularly received applications for the right to build Railways on the terms of private concessions. The article examines the content of private railway projects and the nature of concession rights that entrepreneurs requested from the government. The author comes to the conclusion that most of them preceded the state's decisions on the railway line construction in Turkestan, as in the case of the Trans-Caspian railway line extension from Samarkand to Tashkent and Andijan. In this regard, private initiative played a role as a factor in the state's decision - making process on the further development of the region's railway network.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (6) ◽  
pp. 46-57
Author(s):  
A. O. Strelnikov

The paper is devoted to the study of the institution of constitutional and legal responsibility of the Government before the Parliament in Russia at the present time. In connection with the implementation of the Constitutional Reform in 2020, the author notes that the legislator has taken the path of strengthening the role and importance of the Parliament in terms of monitoring the activities of the Government. Nevertheless, the main drawback of the current legislation is still the lack of real sanctions that the Russian Parliament can apply independently in relation to the Russian Government or its individual members. Therefore, the author proposes a number of new sanctions, as well as a number of measures aimed at improving the existing mechanisms for applying sanctions of constitutional responsibility. In particular, it is proposed to introduce the right of the State Duma of the Russian Federation to present its own nominees for vacant positions in the Government, the approval of which is under the authority of the State Duma of the Russian Federation, to enable the State Duma to independently release individual members of the Government from positions approved by it. In addition, it is proposed to improve the procedure for expressing a vote of no confidence in the Government by the State Duma, namely, to introduce the obligation of the President of the Russian Federation to dismiss the Government of the Russian Federation in the event that the State Duma re-expresses no confidence in the Government within three months. It is also proposed to increase the role of the Council of Federation of the Russian Federation by introducing the power of this body not only to consult with the President of the Russian Federation, but to approve the corresponding candidacies of federal ministers proposed to this body by the President of the Russian Federation. The author notes that the proposed improvement measures will increase the effectiveness of the implementation of a number of federal laws regulating the parliamentary responsibility of the Government of the Russian Federation.


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