National state ideology

2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Иван Мишуров ◽  
Ivan Mishurov ◽  
Ольга Мишурова ◽  
Olga Mishurova

The article is devoted to justifying the need for the existence of state ideology, its national foundations and adjustments to article 13 of the Russian Constitution to delete provisions of the absence of the state ideology of the Russian Federation. State ideology is present in each state. The importance of this phenomenon has led to much attention to it by philosophers, politicians and other scientists over the past two centuries. There are different views on the concept of "ideology" and different ideological schools: liberalism, conservatism, anarchism, social democracy, socialism, and others. This diversity is defined by different needs and interests of social groups, media and spokesmen of ideological views. Ideology is an articulation of the fundamental interests of large social groups (forces) of the society, it is a system of views and ideas, which gives a complete interpretation of social and political life, its meaning, direction and prospects of showing certain ways of solving social problems. Ideologies are expressed in attitudes of communities to social problems and conflicts, objectives and generalized program of activities. The leading link here is represented by interests. It is the state who expresses and defends the national interests, regulates, as a rule, with the help of legal norms the totality of socio-political, economic, national and family relations, thus contributing to the stabilization and development of society. It has the right to have its own (state, national or multi-national state) ideology. That is why the Russian government cannot but have a nation-state ideology. That is the need for national-state ideology that is proved in this article.

2018 ◽  
pp. 8-15
Author(s):  
Іvan Pobochiy

The level of social harmony in society and the development of democracy depends to a large extent on the level of development of parties, their ideological and political orientation, methods and means of action. The purpose of the article is to study the party system of Ukraine and directions of its development, which is extremely complex and controversial. The methods. The research has led to the use of such scientific search methods as a system that allowed the party system of Ukraine to be considered as a holistic organism, and the historical and political method proved to be very effective in analyzing the historical preconditions and peculiarities of the formation of the party system. The results. The incompetent, colonial past and the associated cruel national oppression, terror, famine, and violent Russification caused the contradictory and dramatic nature of modernization, the actual absence of social groups and their leaders interested in it, and the relatively passive reaction of society to the challenges of history. Officials have been nominated by mafia clans, who were supposed to protect their interests and pursue their policies. Political struggle in the state took place not between influential political parties, but between territorial-regional clans. The party system of Ukraine after the Maidan and the beginning of the war on the Donbass were undergoing significant changes. On the political scene, new parties emerged in the course of the protests and after their completion — «Petro Poroshenko Bloc», «People’s Front», «Self-help»), which to some extent became spokespeople for not regional, but national interests. Pro-European direction is the main feature of the leading political parties that have formed a coalition in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Conclusion. The party system of Ukraine as a result of social processes is at the beginning of a new stage in its development, an important feature of which is the increase in the influence of society (direct and indirect) on the political life of the state. Obviously, there is a demand from the public for the emergence of new politicians, new leaders and new political forces that citizens would like to see first and foremost speakers and defenders of their interests.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (S3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergey D. Andreev ◽  
Emma V. Bitsieva ◽  
Olga V. Lepeshkina ◽  
Dmitry M. Polonsky ◽  
Marina S. Savchenko

This paper presents the results of a study devoted to the legal phenomenon of political pluralism as a factor in the development of modern society and the state by the example of classical democratic countries. At the same time, attention is focused on such components of political pluralism as formalization of freedom of speech and assembly; a multi-party system, as well as a mechanism for coordinating the interests of various social groups at the parliamentary level. It was found that the most acceptable is the model operating in the FRG, since it allows people to find a balance between guarantees of political diversity, such as freedom of speech and the right to public events. The interaction between civil society institutions and parliamentarians is especially advisable when making decisions in the domestic and foreign policy of the state.


Author(s):  
Richard Danakari

Introduction. The article examines the nature and essence of patriotism and friendship of peoples, their crucial role for the life of the Russian Federation. Over the past decades, radical changes have taken place in the political system of Russia, its social and ethnic structure, and a heterogeneous ethno-confessional society has been formed. The author shows that patriotism and friendship of peoples are the most important determinants, specific properties necessary for the integration of our multinational federation ensuring order and stability in the country, its sustainable and dynamic development, the gradual formation of new supra-ethnic and supra-confessional values, and general cultural identity. Methods. The combination of applying methods and approaches is the key to studying the theory and practice of patriotism, recognizing its procedural nature, unity and opposition in the activities of the state and society, the interests of the government, political parties and social groups. The use of the polyparadigmatic methodology in studying the nature and essence of patriotism, in particular, the activity and civilizational approaches, the synergetic method, dialectic categories made it possible to determine the complexity and continuity of the formation of patriotism and patriotic work, to reveal dynamism and conflict, general and special features in them. Analysis. Studying the real state of Russian society points to the weakness of systemic activities of patriotic education, preserving and strengthening the unity and friendship between nations. The lack of a common goal problematizes the search for a common patriotic idea, new foundations for Russian civilization, the common existence of nations, the construction of a welfare state and a harmonious society. Results. The article reveals inadequacy of the declared ideas of patriotism and friendship of peoples to the policy and practice of implementing neoliberal values and the priority of individualism. The author shows that the process of further fragmentation and stratification, alienation and separation of people according to racial, national, ethnic, cultural, religious, confessional, generational, professional and other characteristics continues in society. The transition of already atomized individuals from the ethnic mentality and national behavioral stereotypes to a single patriotic goal – the all-Russian identity – is formal. Today, the activity on the formation of patriotism and patriotic attitudes of consciousness does not affect the deep, essential foundations of society, is of a festival and manipulative nature, and in many respects concerns only the military sphere, tourism and sports. The notes mentioned create significant difficulties in understanding the idea of the common welfare, genuine and false in patriotism, the definition of objective interests of the state, authority and society, social groups and individual elites. Modern globalization inevitably involves taking into account the national interests of Russia, the search for optimal forms of interconnection of civilizational and universal principles.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 98-102
Author(s):  
Agus Suryono

Welfare of the people is one of the goals of the state. In certain mechanism is required to make it happen that is reflected in public policy is made. Issues related to the problems that arise in realizing kesejahkteraan through public policy challenge. The right strategy in providing public policy that supports the well-being of the people in overcoming social problems are very important for further investigation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 166-181
Author(s):  
R. Chernysh ◽  
L. Osichnyuk

The article examines the possibility of restricting the right to freedom of speech in order to protect the national interests of the state. An analysis of normative legal acts prohibiting the dissemination of destructive information, such as calls for a violent change in the constitutional order of Ukraine, the outbreak of aggressive war, incitement to national, racial or religious hatred, etc. The right to freedom of expression is not absolute and may be limited. The article substantiates the criteria for state intervention in the information sphere, which allow limiting the dissemination of destructive information and preserving democratic values. Such criteria include the legality of the procedure, the legality of the purpose and the minimum amount of intervention. The article considers the existing mechanisms in Ukraine to respond to harmful informational influences. The law provides for liability for disseminating false information at several levels: civil, administrative and criminal. At the same time, these mechanisms are insufficient, as the concepts of «misinformation», «fake», etc. are not normatively defined. The article describes the state policy to combat destructive information influence. The bases of activity of state bodies created for the purpose of counteraction to dissemination of misinformation and propaganda are considered, namely the Center of counteraction of misinformation at Council of National Security and Defense of Ukraine and the Center of Strategic Communications and Information Security at the Ministry of Culture and Information Policy. The strategies of the state on counteraction to harmful information influence are analyzed. The Doctrine of Information Security of Ukraine is considered, which clarifies the basics of the state information policy in the direction of counteracting the destructive information influence of the Russian Federation in the conditions of the hybrid war unleashed by it. The main provisions of the Information Security Strategy, which defines the general principles of information security, are also considered. The strategies of the state on counteraction to harmful information influence are analyzed. The Doctrine of Information Security of Ukraine is considered, which clarifies the basics of the state information policy in the direction of counteracting the destructive information influence of the Russian Federation in the conditions of the hybrid war unleashed by it. The main provisions of the Information Security Strategy, which defines the general principles of information security, are also considered.


2019 ◽  
pp. 21-32
Author(s):  
Nadiia STENGACH

Among the regulatory and communicative mechanisms of power establishment in the Ukrainian Cossack state is the leading propensity for legal solution of social and political issues — both in the environment of the elite and between the elite and subordinate strata. In the context of court proceedings, it is necessary to highlight the tendency to ensure adversarial process between the plaintiff and the defendant, to create the respondent’s conditions for defense, to direct the court’s work not only to punish, but also to restore justice, to judge impartially and collectively. All this meant rejection of Russian legal norms, which legitimized the «right of the strong». The focus on the impassive legal process was extrapolated to manifestations of both domestic and foreign policy. First of all, this was reflected in the rejection of political actions based on military pressure and coercion, which were recognized as illegitimate ones. In the domestic political aspect, there was the emphasized trend towards constitutional methods of regulating public life. In particular, state institutions purposefully created legal norms in those spheres of public activity where tradition was no longer able to regulate them. In the political and cultural life of the Cossacks’ elite, we also see a clearly defined tendency to regulate legally relations between the participants of the political process. The views formed within such limits denied arbitrariness as a method of solving social and legal problems. However, it should be noted that within the framework of judicial and legal practice of the time, such notions were practically not implemented. The institutional mechanisms of state decision making evolved from the General Council to the Council of General Officer Staff, and then to the representative institution of Ukrainian society — the Sejm. In the evolution of mechanisms for administrative positions, there is a clear tendency to oust the election process and replace it with kinship and clientela relations within the Cossacks’ elite. Nevertheless, the electorate tendencies in the Cossack class remained at the lowest levels of the administrative hierarchy until the decay of the Ukrainian Cossack state. This was due to the fact that the political elite of Hetmanshchyna resisted Russian attempts to interfere with the filling of state posts in Left Bank Ukraine, as well as due to the confrontation of officer groups for dominance over local governments. With the acceptance of ideas of the nobles’ republic by the General Officer Staff, we observe a new strengthening of the electorate institution. Asserting power among representatives of their own social class, the Cossacks’ elite tended to maintain a balance between encouragement and punishment. As for the subordinate classes, the propensity to use punishment and coercion was much more pronounced. There was, however, a marked tendency towards the legislative regulation of the force use. At the political and cultural level, arbitrariness had never been recognized as the lawful actions. Besides, it was not necessary for the Cossacks’ elite to resort to violence to persuade; the pressure of public opinion often was enough.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriella Raisza Putri ◽  
Moses Glorino Rumambo Pandin

Book Pancasila Dasar Negara Paripurna is the work of Prof. Dr. Tukiran Taniredja, MM and Prof. Dr. Suyahmo, M.Si. that was written to commemorate and make all Indonesian people aware of the importance of Pancasila as the basis of life of the nation, state, and society. In addition, this book is intended to complete Pancasila as the permanent foundation of the state for the Indonesian nation. This book is presented so that the Indonesian people, especially the millennial generation, can continue the life of the Indonesian people per the precepts of the Pancasila and apply life with Pancasila values as the basis of the Indonesian state. This book was also prepared with the aim of anticipating several phenomena and new ideologies that has entered Indonesia that are incompatible with the Pancasila Ideology after the Reformation Era. Pancasila as the foundation of a complete state should not be forgotten. The current millennial generation is more interested in ideologies from foreign countries that are not following the basis of our country, so this is an important reminder for the millennial generation of the impacts of these foreign ideologies. This book also contains a lot about the 1945 Constitution which hopes that the Indonesian people remember the regulations in it and do not conflict with these regulations.Book Pancasila Dasar Negara Paripurna is aimed at all Indonesian people, especially the millennial generation, who are the generation that will preserve the values of Pancasila. Due to the development of the times, the millennial generation has forgotten the Pancasila ideology as the basis of the Indonesian state. Pancasila now seems to be only a small part of the history of the Indonesian nation because many people do not follow the values of Pancasila and choose other ideologies. In democratic and political life, many people today make Pancasila the fault of all the problems and failures of national and state life. If Pancasila is interpreted and implemented correctly, Pancasila is a solution to the problems and failure of the state in carrying out Indonesian constitutionality.Information about the importance of Pancasila in state, social and national life is presented in a very complete manner. Pancasila is the basis of the state which still cannot be changed or replaced by other ideologies. Apart from being irreversible, Pancasila is the right ideology for Indonesia because the values in Pancasila reflect the customs and culture of the Indonesian people. Pancasila is suitable for a pluralistic society. Indonesia consists of islands that vary from Sabang to Merauke. From these islands, there are significant differences. However, the existence of Pancasila makes it easier for the Indonesian nation to unite and respect each other's differences. In addition, Pancasila is considered the right ideology because Pancasila is the basis for Indonesian society to solve state problems. Pancasila also has high values of democracy and justice, therefore a democratic society that values of human rights can be implemented more easily.The book has many benefits and this review is important. This is because the millennial generation today are increasingly contradicting and forgetting the Pancasila ideology. This book is presented with relevant purposes to overcome the problems of state, national and social life in this era of development. The noble values of Pancasila, which have been forgotten and lost from state life, are beginning to require the revitalization and actualization of Pancasila to be achieved as well as possible. All Indonesian people and millennial generation need to know and interpret Pancasila properly from an early age so that they can continue their constitutional life following the country's foundation, the nation's outlook on life, and the complete national personality.


2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
M. Fauzan Zenrif

<p>Indonesian Muslims when faced with social problems, especially those related to law and justice, always involve the dualism of thought, Islam and kindonesiaan. When human rights issues arise, the unification of Indonesian Islam seeks to justify the problem into its shari'ah. This is normal, because Islam is believed not only mngatur spirituality of his people, but also related to social rules. This paper tries to explain what Muslims can do as the majority of their beloved country's people in dealing with human rights issues. Besides, the effort to enforce the law for internal Islamic and national interests. This paper also discusses how the Islamic perspective is about this. Discussing human rights issues can not be separated from how the principle as stipulated in Islam. The substance that need to be put forward is the fulfillment of the right of life security and the right of freedom to choose religion or belief. Similarly, the right of equality and justice before the law. Therefore, it is necessary to implement the strategy of human rights by considering three priorities. First, that Islamic law is universal. Secondly, Islamic law is never retroactive. Third, that Islamic law does not impose burden except on the perpetrators.</p><p> </p><p>Umat Islam Indonesia apabila dihadapkan pada permasalahan-permasalahan sosial, terutama yang berkaitan dengan hukum dan peradilan, selalu melibatkan dualisme pemikiran, keislaman dan kindonesiaan. Ketika permasalahan Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) muncul, uniat Islam Indonesia berusaha mencarikan justifikasi permasalahan tersebut ke dalam syari’atnya. Hal ini wajar-wajar saja, sebab Islam diyakini tidak sekedar mngatur spiritualitas umatnya, tetapi juga menyangkut aturan-aturan sosial. Tulisan ini mencoba menjelaskan apa yang bisa diperbuat umat Islam sebagai mayoritas masyarakat negerinya tercinta dalam menghadapi permasalahan hak asasi manusia. Selain itu dibahas upaya menegakkan hukum untuk kepentingan internal Islam dan nasional. Tulisan ini juga membahas bagaimana perspektif Islam mengenai hal ini. Membahas permasalahan HAM tidak lepas dari bagaimana prinsipnya sebagaimana diatur dalam Islam. Secara substansif yang perlu dikedepankan yaitu pemenuhan hak keamanan jiwa dan  hak kebebasan memilih agama atau keyakinan. Demikian pula hak kesamaan dan keadilan di depan hukum. Untuk itu diperlukan strategi implementasi hak asasi manusia dengan mempertimbangkan tiga prioritas. Pertama, bahwa hukum Islam bersifat universal. Kedua, bahwa hukum Islam tidak pernah berlaku  surut. Ketiga, bahwa hukum Islam tidak memberikan beban kecuali pada pelakunya.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-57
Author(s):  
Andrii Zhorniak

The article examines the impact of political processes caused by political decisions of various branches of government, and their consequences for the participation of persons with disabilities in the socio-political life of the state. The legislation of Ukraine on the regulation of public relations in terms of integration of persons with disabilities into society through employment is analyzed. Emphasis is placed on the dynamics of growth in the number of people with disabilities, which is associated with the general aging of the population and increasing the risk of disability, the reduction of economic activity in this category, which in some countries translates it into subsidies at the state level. The normative regulation of integration processes and stimulation of labor activity of persons with disabilities in the developed countries of the world is considered. It was found that the policy aimed at social integration of people with special needs needs to be modernized and improved at all levels, including the activities of local governments, national and international level. The author notes that only in synergy and joint work, using common socio-political tools, it is possible to achieve the inclusion of people with disabilities in the life of communities and achieve high results in the development of the state. Based on the declared, defined in the Constitution of Ukraine content, activities, directions and direction of development of the state in relation to the citizen of Ukraine, it is proved that the relationship of every citizen, not excluding people with special needs, should be considered as a union of power-man relations. And if a person with a disability has the right, it means that the state is obliged to provide him with the opportunity to exercise this right. It was stressed that social security, which guarantees the right of a citizen to a decent standard of living, should not be limited to the payment of benefits, subsidies, but should be aimed at creating conditions for "disclosure" in various spheres of public life, including formal employment. It is proved that in Ukraine there are measures to create conditions aimed at socialization and participation of persons with disabilities in the life of the state. But given that at the constitutional level, persons with disabilities have equal rights along with other categories of citizens, there is a need to amend the Constitution in order to improve the legal framework for persons with disabilities, as the terms "equality" and "non-discrimination" in relation to the disabled are not identical and differ significantly in content. According to the author, this will allow to realize the strategic goal of a modern civilized state - to provide high living standards for its citizens, taking into account the category of people with special needs.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-75
Author(s):  
Zsolt Kokoly

The present study aims to offer a review of measures taken by the Romanian authorities in the field of audiovisual media regulation during the state of emergency instituted in March 2020 following the COVID-19 outbreak. The legal framework has been adjusted, drawing both from extant norms, such as the 2003 Constitution of Romania, and from newly adapted legal norms such as the Presidential Decree declaring the state of emergency. Also, the competent authorities have been invested with additional powers, this being the case of the National Audiovisual Council and the National Authority for Management and Regulation in Communications. These institutions have faced multiple challenges regarding the clash between freedom of opinion and freedom of speech and the right to correct information of the public and the campaigns to counter misinformation.


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