Protected Areas as a Center of Attraction for Visits from World Heritage Cities: Extremadura (Spain)

Conservation of the environment has become a key factor in tourist development, as is shown by the increase in visitors to natural parks and other places with rich ecosystems. Protected areas have become polarised centers for tourists of very varied characteriztics, not only for those who make them their main destination, but also for those who travel to nearby areas. This situation can be observed in Extremadura, where numerous tourists make the best use of their stay in the main centers of tourist attractions of the region to make local trips and thus get to know the most significant natural areas. These movements are being detected in varied aspects of demand, sometimes with little connection between the main and secondary motivation for the trip. We therefore consider a variable percentage of tourists visiting the main cultural destinations of Extremadura who use part of their stay to get to know protected areas. With the aim of structuring the research, we made a systematic study of tourists who spent the night in the cities of Cáceres and Mérida, which are World Heritage sites. During their stay, they visited prestigious natural places such as Monfragüe National Park, the Villuercas–Ibores–Jara Geopark, the Tajo Internacional Nature Reserve, and the Garganta de los Infiernos Nature Reserve. This information was obtained by carrying out surveys, which allowed us to determine the attraction capacity of each protected area by applying a network analysis. The results reflect a heterogeneous type of visitor who travels to the most appreciated areas following guidelines marked by the time of the year, his/her preferences, and the duration of his/her trip.

Авторское этимологизирование в идиостиле Марины Цветаевой (стихотворения "Раковина", "Минута", "Расщелина")

Etymologisation in Marina Tsvetaeva’s Idiostyle (Poems “My Shell”, “Minute”, “The Crevasse”)This article considers etymologisation in lyrical works by Marina Tsvetaeva on the example of her three poems from 1923: “My Shell” (“Rakovina”), “Minute” (“Minuta”) and “The Crevasse” (“Rasshchelina”). In this case, etymologisation concerns first of all the words which appear as titles of these poems. The study analyses manifestations of etymologisation, namely various aspects of etymological regeneration of words and occurrences of their secondary motivation (poetic etymology) in relation to their aesthetic function in an artistic text. Etymological analysis in the stanzas under consideration is often based on reconstruction of language compliances both at the level of Proto-Slavic and Proto-Indo-European. This study of Tsvetaeva’s etymologisation reveals her exceptional potential: her profound sense of language, her mystical penetration of its essential nature, and her intuitive comprehension of its historical developments and semantics. Etymologizacja w idiostylu Mariny Cwietajewej – wiersze Раковина [Muszla], Минута [Minuta], Расщелина [Rozpadlina]Artykuł omawia etymologizację w twórczości lirycznej Mariny Cwietajewej na przykładzie trzech wierszy autorki z 1923 roku: Раковина [Muszla], Минута [Minuta], Расщелина [Rozpadlina]. Etymologizacja dotyczy w tym przypadku przede wszystkim słów, które pojawiają się jako tytuły tych utworów. Artykuł analizuje przejawy etymologizacji, czyli rozmaite aspekty reinterpretacji etymologicznej słów i występowanie motywacji wtórnych (etymologia poetycka) w relacji do ich funkcji estetycznej w tekście artystycznym. Analiza etymologiczna zawarta w strofach omawianych utworów często opiera się na rekonstrukcji zgodności języka z rzeczywistością na poziomie języka prasłowiańskiego i praindoeuropejskiego. Przedstawiona analiza etymologizacji Cwietajewej ujawnia niezwykły potencjał autorki: głębokie wyczucie języka, zdolność do mistycznego przenikania jego niezmierzonej głębi i intuicyjne zrozumienie jego semantyki i historycznego rozwoju.

Political apathy amongst students: A case study of Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University

The primary motivation for this research, in which a qualitative method was employed, was to examine political apathy amongst students at Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University. The secondary motivation was to question whether youth political apathy threatens the consolidation of democracy. The researchers arranged four focus groups at Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University. A purposive sampling technique was utilised. All 50 participants in the study were Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University undergraduate and postgraduate black students, with ages ranging from 21 to 35 years. The researchers encouraged participants to have maximum participation in the focus group deliberations. The researchers also made use of elite interviews in the study. The findings of this study suggest that political apathy does exist amongst students at Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University. Most of the participants in the focus groups indicated that young people in post-apartheid South Africa have no interest in politics.

Les Motivations Des Conduites Religieuses Et Le Passage D'Une Civilisation Pré-Technique à uNe Civilisation Technique

After an introductory section in which are considered the diversity of religious phenomena from the point of view of motivation, the diversity which exists within the same religion, the discrepancy between motivations which are officially approved and effective motivations — and the causes of this discrepancy — the author discusses religious motivation and makes a distinction between primary and secondary motivation. The primary motivations which are first encountered in the history of religions seem to be of the cosmological and biological order. They are based on man's lack of scientific and technical knowledge and the transition to a technical civilisation destroys them at the roots. In spite of technical control over the universe, however, man is still faced with the mystery of death and this in turn gives rise to the desire to prolong his temporal life in the time hereafter. Religions which preach salvation answer this desire. The motivation based on the desire for eternal salvation is much more resistant to socio-cultural changes than the other primary motivations mentioned, but it can, at the same time, lead to a break between normal contemporary activities and religious rites. A third primary motivation, and one which is equally capable of resisting socio- cultural changes, is the purely spiritual desire to do the will of God. The sociologist could question the possibility of observing such a motivation, but it is possible at least to observe the desire to acquire it. Secondary motivations are those which lead people to become members of groups; the individual wishes to submit to the norms of the group. The latter may be a 'civil' group or it may be specifically religious. The first secondary motivation is that of cultural spontanaeity. It is encountered in personalities which are 'tradition-directed'. It does not require a conscious and deliberate attachment to prevailing customs. If the custom changes then the behaviour of the individual changes also. In the case of movement to a technical civilisation where the prevailing culture is pluralist and religiously neutral, the migrant, true to his habit of confirming to the prevailing custom, will cling as faithfully to the new custom as he did to the old. The second motivation examined in the article is the socio-cultural motivation. This is encountered in personalities which are 'inner-directed' which see religion as a cultural institution and which look upon religious organisation as an agency of social control necessary for maintaining order and culture. When socio-cultural change occurs, this motivation does not lead to the abandonment of religious activities but rather to a concentration upon those activities which are kept alive in 'in-groups' where it is possible to nourish memories of the past. The socio-religiorss motivation — that is, the motivation which comes from belonging to a religious society which is clearly distinguished from civil society — requires a sense of belonging to a religious group as such. A number of intermediary stages can come before the birth of this motivation towards the pure state: family, school, local group, ethnic minority, etc. This motivation can resist socio-cultural changes and, in particular, can be proof against the change to an industrial technical society. In conclusion: the transition from a pre-industrial to an industrial society on the part of a particular social class, region or nation will be accom panied by the retention or even the renewal of religious activity, or, on the contrary, by its disappearance, largely as a result of the type of motivations which the religious society has produced in its members before the epoch of change. That which worked efficiently yesterday can be a cause of the failures and losses of tomorrow.