Relativas cortadoras: mover e cortar? Ou cortar antes de mover?

With this article, we aim at providing an answer to two main theoretical questions: what is the syntactic derivation of European Portuguese P-chopping relative clauses? And what is the nature of the phonetically and semantically null element that integrates them? We also attempt to identify constants that allow us to predict other lexical contexts for the occurrence of P-chopping relative clauses other than the ones already described in the literature. We support our conclusions with the data collected in an acceptability judgment task that included 76 native speakers. Our proposal is a derivation for P-chopping relative clauses similar to the existing one for direct object relative clauses, assuming that the null element that integrates them has the properties of a variable.

pro as a Minimal nP: Toward a Unified Approach to Pro-Drop

In this article, I examine the properties of the partial null subject languages (NSLs) when compared with the consistent and the discourse pro-drop languages and argue that the same basic mechanism underlies pro-drop in partial as well as discourse pro-drop: namely, null NP anaphora, as originally proposed in Tomioka 2003 for discourse pro-drop. The two sets of languages show a correlation between the occurrence of null arguments and the availability of a bare nominal in argument position. I suggest that the null element is a default, minimally specified nominal—the same item that arguably appears as a complement of D in pronouns. It is a proform that minimally consists of the categorizing head n, lacking a root, the meaning of which is ‘entity’ (a property that is trivially true of any individual in the domain). nP introduces a variable that may be bound under Existential Closure, yielding the impersonal interpretation; otherwise, its denotation is type-shifted to an individual (ɩ) under the appropriate conditions. The crosslinguistic differences found in the interpretation of the null subject depend on the resources available in particular languages for application of ɩ type-shifting: the (bare NP) languages that lack such resources only have quasi-argumental and impersonal null subjects (semi pro-drop languages). Finally, I show that the idea that pro reduces to [nP e] can also be successfully extended to the consistent NSLs, provided it is assumed that, in this type of NSL, the head bearing agreement morphology bears a D-feature and interpretable ϕ-features.

The apophonic chain and the form of weak and strong verbs in Palestinian Arabic

This paper explores the logic behind the various morpho-phonological subdivisions in the verbal system of Palestinian Arabic. It argues for the importance in the understanding of Palestinian Arabic of the apophonic chain proposed for Classical Arabic in Guerssel and Lowenstamm (1993). In Palestinian, it is first argued, the Measure 1 perfective template includes a hard-wired association of its two vocalic positions; the main differences in vocalization between the Palestinian and Classic varieties follow from this fact. The account is then extended to include three large subclasses of weak verbs. Following the analysis of Classical Arabic in Chekayri and Scheer (1996), it is argued that such verbs involve a null element ø, whose realization is determined by the apophonic chain. The second part of the paper provides an account of the entire inflectional paradigms of each of the verbs discussed, a task that was not fully undertaken in previous work. The mechanism of apophony is shown to be at work in this domain, too. An interesting case is discussed of an apparent shift in inflectional paradigm in some forms of the biradical verb. This shift is again shown to follow from the general mechanisms used in the analysis.

Of nouns, and kinds, and properties, and why one D is null or not

This paper assumes that the basic denotation of nouns can be that of kind or property and that the determiner system of a language is a direct consequence of this cross-linguistic variation. An analysis of how definiteness and specificity are marked across three languages with different determiner systems, namely, English, French and Mauritian Creole (MC), provides evidence of the co-relation between noun denotation and determiner system. Languages with kind denoting nouns (English and MC) admit bare nominal arguments, which are barred in French, whose nouns denote properties. However, English and MC differ in that English has an overt definite article, which is a lacking in MC. This null element requires licensing by an overt specificity marker in some syntactic environments. The English and MC definite articles are analyzed as operators that quantify over sets of kind denoting nouns, and they serve a different function from the French definite article, which is specified for number and selects properties.

Ultimate attainment of anaphora resolution in L2 Chinese

The current study tests the Interface Hypothesis through forward and backward anaphora in complex sentences with temporal subordinate clauses in highly proficient English-speaking learners’ second-language (L2) Chinese. Forward anaphora is involved when the overt pronoun ta ‘he/she’ or a null element appears in the subject position of the main clause, whereas backward anaphora is involved when it is in the subject position of the temporal clause, because the main clause always follows the temporal clause in Chinese. Specifically, the article tests the syntactic and discourse constraints in the interpretation and representation of ta and the null element in complex sentences. Ta is constrained by the syntactic cyclic-c-command condition. Thus it is possible for ta to refer to the other sentential subject in forward anaphora, but not in backward anaphora in Chinese. Unlike English, Chinese allows a null element in subject positions of finite subordinate and main clauses. It is proposed in the article that the null element in these positions is a Øtopic, a syntax–discourse interface category. Results from an acceptability judgement task and a picture judgment task indicate that Øtopic at the external interface has been acquired, whereas the cyclic-c-command condition within narrow syntax is fossilized in L2 Chinese.

When clitics collide

Summary The paper deals with a few aspects of the morphosyntax of clitics in Piedmontese (Western Romance) and their historical development. In Piedmontese an element =l= (orthographically l’) is obligatorily inserted between the Subject Clitics and all and only the inflected forms of “to have”; in several varieties of Piedmontese this element has a double interpretation synchronically, either as a semantically null element or as an Object Clitic of 3rd singular. Although the presence of such an element is not rare among neighboring Romance varieties, where it generally acts as a 3rd singular subject clitic, it is argued that in Piedmontese its peculiar distribution is intimately tied to other unusual morphosyntactic features, all of them having developed within the last two-to-three centuries. In particular, historical reanalysis of l’ was crucial in the positioning of the object clitics after the participle in compound verbal forms (a rare pattern among Romance languages). Partially correcting traditional analyses (such as Meyer-Lübke 1900), it is argued that the necessity to avoid ambiguity and clearly identify a pronominal object was at best a contributing factor in triggering morphological change. The postpositioning of the object clitics was rather mainly the result of the extension in use of the subject clitics, and of the ensuing reanalysis of the element l’. This was made possible by two conditions: a restricted set of occurrences in which l’ was found, and a ready-made alternative interpretation. Comparison with neighboring varieties shows that such a development was not possible in those Romance languages which did not have an element similar to l’ in the restricted range of uses of premodern Piedmontese. Résumé Cet article traite de quelques aspects de la morphologie des clitiques en piémontais (une langue romane occidentale) et de leur développement historique. On trouve en piémontais un élément =l= (l’ dans l’orthographe) obligatoirement inséré entre les clitiques du sujet et les formes fléchies du verb ‘avoir’. Dans plusieurs variétés du piémontais cet élément peut être interprété soit comme un élément sémantiquement vide, soit comme le clitique objet de la troisième personne singulier. Bien que la présence d’un élément similaire au l’ piémontais n’est pas rare parmi les variétés voisines (où il joue généralement le rôle de clitique sujet de la troisième personne singulière), l’article démontre que la distribution inhabituelle de cet élément en piémontais est étroitement liée à un certain nombre d’autres particularités morphosyntactiques qui se sont toutes développés durant les deux ou trois derniers siècles. En particulier, la réanalyse historique de l’élément l’ a été décisive pour le positionnement des clitiques objet après le participe dans les temps composés — une solution fort rare parmi les langues romanes. Avec une révision partielle des analyses traditionelles (par ex. Meyer-Lübke 1900), on démontre que la nécessité d’éviter toute ambiguïté et de distinguer clairement un objet pronominal a joué tout au plus un rôle complémentaire dans le changement morphologique. Le positionnement des clitiques object après le participe a été plutôt le résultat d’une extension de l’usage des clitiques sujet, ce qui a amené à une réanalyse de l’élément l’. Cette réanalyse a été permise par deux conditions: une distribution fort limitée de l’ et la possibilité de l’amener à une analyse alternative. La comparaison avec les variétés voisines démontre que le même développement qu’on trouve en piémontais ne s’est pas produit dans ces langues romanes qui étaient dépourvues d’un élément comparable à l’ dans les domaines d’usage bien limités qu’on trouvait en piémontais pré-moderne. Zusammenfassung Dieser Artikel befaßt sich mit einigen Aspekten der Morphosyntax von Klitika im Piedmontesischen (Westromanisch) und mit ihrer historischen Entwicklung. Im Piedmontesichen ist es obligatorisch, ein Element =l= (ortographisch l’) zwischen Subjektsklitika und allen flektierten Formen (und nur diesen) des Verbs ‘haben’ einzufügen. In manchen Mundarten des Piedmontesischen ist dieses Element in zweifacherweise interpretierbar, und zwar entweder als semantisch leeres Element oder als Objektklitikum der 3. Person Singular. Obgleich das Element selbst in benachbarten romanischen Varietäten nicht selten vorkommt und dort im allgemeinen als Klitikum der 3. Person Singular fungiert, wird hier argumentiert, daß seine eigenartige Distribution im Piedmontesischen in engem Zusammenhang mit anderen ungewöhnlichen morphosyntaktischen Phänomenen steht, die sich allesamt innerhalb der letzten zwei bis drei Jahrhunderte entwickelt haben. Insbesondere war eine historische Reanalyse des Elements l’ entscheidend für die Position von Objektsklitika nach dem Partizip in zusammengesetzten Verbformen, was in romanischen Sprachen selten vorkommt. Dieser Artikel berichtigt teilweise traditionelle Analysen (z. B. Meyer — Lübke 1900) und argumentiert, daß die Notwendigkeit, Mehrdeutigkeit zu vermeiden und ein Objektpronomen eindeutig zu identifizieren höchstens sekundär zu morphologischen Veränderungen beigetragen hat. Vielmehr war die Entwicklung nachgestellter Objektsklitika hauptsächlich das Ergebnis einer Ausweitung des Gebrauchs von Subjektsklitika und einer darauffolgenden Reanalyse des Elements l’. Dies wurde durch zwei Faktoren ermöglicht: eine begrenzte Anzahl möglicher Kontexte für l’ und eine bereits vorhandene alternative Interpretationsmöglichkeit. Der Vergleich mit benachbarten Varietäten zeigt, daß eine solche Entwicklung in denjenigen romanischen Sprachen nicht möglich war, die kein dem l’ ähnliches Element in begrenzt möglichen Kontexten nach Art des Früh-Piedmontesischen aufwiesen.

PARAMUTATION OF THE R LOCUS IN MAIZE TRISOMICS AND COMPARISON OF PARAMUTATION SYSTEMS IN MAIZE AND TOMATO

There is no effect of paramutable R allele dosage on the amount of paramutational change promoted by one paramutagenic allele in maize plants trisomic for chromosome 10 in which the R locus resides. It has been confirmed that paramutation at the R locus is not affected by chromosome 10 trisomy if one of the chromosomes carries a rg allele, which is a 'null' element with respect to paramutation. Paramutation systems at the R locus in maize, the B locus in maize, and the sulf locus in tomato, are compared.

Inverses of Boolean matrices

This note is concerned with square matrices, denoted by capital letters, whose elements belong to aBoolean algebra with null element 0 and all element 1. Such matrices, which have important applicationsin the theory of electric circuits, can be compounded in the three following ways.