The Era of Interbellum: reasons for the passiveness of the UK foreign policy

Целью исследования является изучение прямой связи между внутриполити- ческими процессами в Великобритании и ее внешнеполитической концепцией, которая во многом привела к разрушению существовавшей в международных отношениях системы и эскалации захватнических авантюр нацистской Германии. В числе использованных мате- риалов – мемуары и заметки как видных британских политических деятелей – «Вторая Мировая война» У. Черчилля, – так и советских дипломатов, работавших в Великобрита- нии. Помимо этого, в исследовании задействованы данные из британских и российских внешнеполитических и военных архивов, работы военных историков, социологов и по- литологов из России и США. В результате было установлено прямое влияние политиче- ских, экономических и социальных процессов в Великобритании на специфику ее внешней политики данного периода. The article is concerned with the specifi c features of the interbellum international relations, offering a comprehensive study of the topic through the analysis of the interior situation in the United Kingdom, (the state which had been considered as one of the champions of the international relations system of Versailles), and its impact on these exact specifi c features. The genesis of the Second World War is, by defi nition, an important topic in the fi eld of international relations: being «multidimensionally» studied, it can present the understanding of global confl ict’s origin, the knowledge about events and processes that cause them. The aim of this study is the establishment of direct connection between the interior social, economic and political agenda of the UK in that era and its concept of foreign policy that , to some defi nite extend, lead to the demolition of the international relations system of that time and gave birth to the aggression of nazi Germany in Europe. The memories and historical notes of the British interbellum political establishment and soviet diplomats, the materials extracted from military and foreign affairs archives of the UK and the USSR, comprehensive studies of Russian and American historians, sociologists and economists have been used as a scientifi c material for this research.

The United Kingdom after brexit

The edited book by Russian scholars and UK experts focuses on the political and economic developments Britain faces following the end of the post-Brexit transition period. Against the backdrop of the coronavirus pandemic, B. Johnson’s Conservative government was confronted with many challenges, from trying to put together an adequate anti-crisis domestic policy to fitting UK foreign policy into the «Global Britain» framework. The authors look into the UK foreign trade policy, the roadblocks in the implementation of the UK – EU Trade and Cooperation Agreement, the impact of Brexit and the pandemic on the competitiveness of London as a leading financial hub, and how UK plans moving over to a climate-neutral economy. Special emphasis is given to the centrifugal trends in Scotland and Northern Ireland that conspicuously manifested themselves upon the UK withdrawal from the EU, along with the phenomenon of anti-monarchism. The authors explore Russia – UK relations in the light of the Integrated Review and provide an analysis of the latest developments in the UK defense strategy and armed forces.

UK foreign policy is looking towards the Indo-Pacific

Significance Public statements by Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab have made clear that an ‘Indo-Pacific tilt’ -- focusing more effort and resources on the region “east from India” -- will be at the heart of that strategy. Impacts Climate change is one area where the United Kingdom, United States and the EU can significantly bolster transatlantic cooperation. Brexit provides an opportunity to reform the E3 group so as to broaden the issues it cooperates on and potentially widen its membership. The EU’s willingness to be open to looser diplomatic arrangements could be crucial in bolstering foreign policy cooperation with London.

Power to Make, Amend, and Suspend Sanctions

The potential scope of UK sanctions has been considerably broadened by the 2018 Act. HM Government can now impose sanctions regulations considered ‘appropriate’ for a diverse range of purposes. These include those made to comply with a UN obligation or any other international obligation, for the prevention of terrorism, in the interests of national or international peace and security or, most broadly of all, to further a UK foreign policy objective. Further, the Magnitsky amendment was a late change to the Act, allowing the UK to impose sanctions on people who commit gross human rights violations. The scope of the UK sanctions regime is therefore wider post-Brexit, given UK sanctions will not effectively need approval by the twenty-seven other EU Member States in the future.

London will diverge from the EU on foreign policy

Subject UK foreign policy. Significance Last week the EU and United Kingdom published their negotiating objectives for the future relationship. The European Commission’s negotiating mandate largely reflects the Political Declaration, including a desire for close formal cooperation in defence, security and foreign policy. The United Kingdom’s objectives indicate that it wants less formal cooperation as it seeks to de-institutionalise its relationship with the bloc. Impacts The economic impact of Brexit could cut the size of the UK defence budget, which has already fallen more than 10% in real terms since 2010. The absence of formal channels of EU-UK cooperation and coordination could result in a weakening of the EU’s sanctions regime on Russia. The re-election of US President Donald Trump would herald a further four years of transatlantic tensions.

Europe-US divergence on Middle East could be long-term

Subject European and Middle East priorities in the Middle East. Significance The US killing of Iran’s Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani on January 3 focused international attention on continuing tensions between Tehran and Washington and revealed deep and ongoing fractures in the transatlantic alliance. These strains were not caused by Soleimani's death; they stem from fundamental strategic differences on Middle Eastern policy priorities between the transactional Trump administration and a multilaterally oriented Europe. Impacts Trump’s re-election could further divide European from US interests in the Middle East. Europe’s main focus in the Middle East will continue to be security and controlling migration, with less concern for human rights. Future EU-UK foreign policy unity will hinge on safeguarding security and defence cooperation post-Brexit. European efforts to reduce dependence on the dollar as a reserve currency, such as creating an independent SWIFT system, will gain support.

SECURITY OF ARCTIC AND NORTHERN SEA ROUT: UK’S VIEW

Against the background of Brexit, UK foreign policy-makers seriously consider the changes in international environment determined by emerging of new centers of power and high competition of global actors in Africa, Asia and Indo-Pacific. The designers of “Global Britain” concept - the new foreign policy strategy aimed at strengthening the UK position in the world after its exit from the European Union - take into consideration the climate changes which in the upcoming decades can lead to the geopolitical competition in Arctic. The latter comprises not only the hard power and ecology issues but the interest to get access to the Northern Sea Route and natural resources. The author analyzes the UK Arctic policy and concludes that the UK government ambition to perform as a leader in Arctic can become a long-term tendency which will determine the UK strategy towards Russia, China and the allies within NATO in the North Atlantic.