scholarly journals East, West and Westminster: A corpus-based study of UK foreign policy statements regarding the unification of Germany, October 1989 to November 1990

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (0) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Stephen Appleton

Significance Under pressure to comply with Russia's demands for greater integration, Belarus is trying to preserve an independent, non-aggressive posture. This often involves apparently conflicting foreign policy statements, but the desire not to be swallowed up as a de facto Russian province seems genuine. Movement towards tax integration with Moscow may reduce President Alexander Lukashenka's room for manoeuvre. Impacts An opinion poll shows that support for ‘union’ with Russia is falling but still above 50%, although few want state unification. Lukashenka will tolerate opposition positions that support independence but do not challenge his commitment to it. Belarus's rejection of military bases will not dissuade Poland from lobbying NATO for a large military presence.


2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 55 ◽  
Author(s):  
EJITU N. OTA ◽  
Chinyere S. Ecoma

The end of East-West hostilities in 1991 brought to the fore of international relations, some issues that had hitherto either been ignored or trivialised. One of these is the phenomenon commonly referred to as globalisation, which is more or less a euphemism for westernisation. Like colonisation, globalisation is propelled not by any moral considerations or an abstract concept of humanitarianism, but by the more economic exigencies of finding reliable markets for the industrial goods and services of the developed world as well as ready sources of raw materials for the industries of the world’s major economic powers. For developing countries like Nigeria, where political leadership influences not only domestic policies but foreign policy as well, there is a compelling need to embrace the globalisation with cautious optimism. For one thing, globalisation is a powerful force for growth and development. For another, it is a process that presents both challenges and opportunities. Such opportunities, however, must be exploited against the background of a dynamic foreign policy that sees the welfare of Nigerians as its major objective.


2003 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 737-763 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thammy Evans

Ever since the discovery of China by Western nations the West has continually tried to gain access to China, and sometime even to understand her. Conversely, many Eastern nations who came within China's reach have preferred to keep her at arms length. This dichotomy continues today, although the East/West division is less clear. The People's Republic of China's sheer geographical size, its location in the heart of Asia, its huge population and thus its potential as an economic and miitary superpower instils fear in many. Will the PRC become a ‘responsible power’, an irresponsible hegemon, or collapse into political disorder and chaos? In anticipation of the coming changes in the PRC, the foreign policy of those nations concerned with the PRC has oscillated between engagement and containment of China.


2019 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-158
Author(s):  
Ognjen Pribicevic

Leaving the EU is one of the major political decisions made in the UK over the past half-century. Brexit brought about a virtual political earthquake not only in EU-UK relations but also in terms of UK future place and role on the international scene. Immediately after the decision of UK citizens to leave the EU at a referendum held on 23 June 2016, the question arose as to whether the UK will lose some of its international influence, whether Scotland will remain part of the Union, whether the UK will retain its privileged relations and special status with the USA, and what its future relations with the EU will be. The purpose of this article is to point to the basic priorities of the contemporary British foreign policy as well as to place and role of the UK on the contemporary international scene particularly in view of its decision to leave the EU. We shall first try to define the status of present-day Britain in international relations. Second, we shall address the traditional dilemma of the UK foreign policy - what should be given priority - relations with the USA, Europe or the Commonwealth? After that, we shall discuss in more detail the phases the UK foreign policy went through following the end of the cold war. In the third phase, we shall analyze the British contemporary foreign and economic policy towards Gulf countries and China. In the fourth part of the article, we shall discuss relations with the USA. It should be pointed out that the article does not seek to analyze all aspects of British foreign policy, even if we wanted to, due to a shortage of time. Of course, the topic of Brexit will be present in all chapters and especially in the last one and conclusion remarks. By its decision to leave the EU, the UK appears to have given priority to its relations with the USA, China, Gulf countries as well as Commonwealth countries instead of the EU which has been economically and politically dominant over the past few decades. This decision taken by UK citizens will no doubt have a great impact not only on their personal lives and standard of living but on the UK role in international relations. Despite its military, political, economic and cultural capacities, it is highly unlikely that the UK will manage to overcome the consequences of an exit from the single market, currently generating 18 trillion dollars on an annual basis as well as the loss of a privileged partner role with the USA within the Union. We are, therefore, more likely to believe that in the foreseeable future, the role of the UK on the international scene will continue to decline and be increasingly focused on its economic and financial interests. Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. III 47010: Drustvene transformacije u procesu evropskih integracija - multidisciplinarni pristup]


1983 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 983
Author(s):  
John C. Campbell ◽  
Roger E. Kanet

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