Kirche und Zivilgesellschaft – Reformatorische Impulse und Gestaltungsaufgabe der Kirchen in Europa

Church and Civil Society – Impulses of Reformed Theology and the Role of the Churches in Shaping Europe. This contribution seeks to answer the role religions and churches, especially the Reformed churches, could play in developing and consolidating civil society and democracy. This study will examine the role of the Church in the Central and Eastern European social and political contexts. Therefore, we will first make an overview of the specifics of this phenomenon in the context of the region's recent history. Then we will look for the normative and substantive meanings of the term for the present going beyond its contextual definition. Finally, we will take note of the impulses of Reformed theology that can contribute to the strengthening of civil society and democratic culture. Will we do this in the context of the particular approach of Reformed theology, in the theological context of the threefold offices (triplex munus) of Christ. The Church, which shares in the royal, priestly and prophetic offices of Christ, shall assume special responsibilities in the life of the society following the threefold ministry of his Lord. In social and diaconal service, the Church must offer new, innovative solutions that promote quality of life (royal office) by working for a culture of reconciliation and compassion. The Church can move from the interior life of piety into the social sphere (priestly office), and through self-criticism and sober social critique, it can advocate for those most disadvantaged by political, economic and social processes (prophetic office). This paper is an edited version of a presentation given at the 2018 German-Hungarian Reformed Theological Conference in Soest, Westphalia. The author attended this conference with an esteemed colleague Béla S. Visky, and now dedicates this paper to him with much appreciation and love on his 60th birthday. Keywords: civil society, contextuality of churches, reconciliation, advocacy, threefold offices of Christ

An inclusive and participatory approach to counter-radicalization? Examining the role of Muslim associations in the Swedish policy process

Policies on preventing radicalization and recruitment to violent Islamist organizations have been widely criticized for reinforcing negative stereotypes of Muslims as a group. Sweden has stood out by international comparison by announcing an approach built on inclusion and participation, especially with regard to Muslim civil society. But what does it mean to make a policy process inclusive and participatory? How can values of inclusion and participation be combined with efficient implementation and realization of policy goals, especially in a policy area where discourse and practice have tended to reinforce patterns of exclusion and discrimination? This article develops a framework that puts the roles of participants at the center: what expectations, boundaries and capacities come with an invitation to participate? Based on interviews with actors involved in the Swedish policy process, including Muslim civil society leaders, the study suggests that participation, in this case, meant primarily being present, thereby confirming commitment and stakeholder status and contributing legitimacy, and providing instrumental knowledge and communication networks. While Muslim representatives were often not expected to be more involved, some indicated that they themselves hesitated to go beyond these roles for several reasons. They expressed a concern that merely having opinions or critique could be interpreted as ‘radical’ and as not accepting the idea that Muslims as a group should have special responsibilities for preventing radicalism. One way of overcoming such obstacles is through subtle, indirect exercises of influence that allow policy-makers and administrators to anticipate the concerns and interests of affected groups without requiring their direct participation.

Interpreting great power rights in international society: Debating China’s right to a sphere of influence

The special rights and responsibilities of the great powers have traditionally been treated as a key component – even a primary institution – of international society in the English School literature. Recent interpretivist work has focused on the meanings of special responsibilities in contemporary international society with far less scholarly attention being given to the corollary of this – special rights. This article uses an interpretivist approach to attempt to uncover what recent debates over China’s right or otherwise to a sphere of influence in East Asia tells us about understandings of great power rights in contemporary international society. The argument advanced is that if Beijing’s right to a sphere of influence is successfully rejected by the rest of international society without repudiating its status as a great power more broadly, China will indeed be a great power without historical precedent.

Design powerful predictor for mRNA subcellular location prediction in Homo sapiens

Messenger RNAs (mRNAs) shoulder special responsibilities that transmit genetic code from DNA to discrete locations in the cytoplasm. The locating process of mRNA might provide spatial and temporal regulation of mRNA and protein functions. The situ hybridization and quantitative transcriptomics analysis could provide detail information about mRNA subcellular localization; however, they are time consuming and expensive. It is highly desired to develop computational tools for timely and effectively predicting mRNA subcellular location. In this work, by using binomial distribution and one-way analysis of variance, the optimal nonamer composition was obtained to represent mRNA sequences. Subsequently, a predictor based on support vector machine was developed to identify the mRNA subcellular localization. In 5-fold cross-validation, results showed that the accuracy is 90.12% for Homo sapiens (H. sapiens). The predictor may provide a reference for the study of mRNA localization mechanisms and mRNA translocation strategies. An online web server was established based on our models, which is available at http://lin-group.cn/server/iLoc-mRNA/.

The United Kingdom’s special responsibilities at the United Nations: Diplomatic practice in normative context

In a 2017 speech to the United Nations, Theresa May referred to the United Kingdom’s ‘special responsibilities’. This article examines how the United Kingdom can properly discharge those responsibilities at the United Nations. We offer an innovative analytical framework that merges English School theory of international society with diplomatic practice theory, and find that there are limits to the claim that the United Kingdom compensates for its relative material decline through diplomatic activism. We identify the special responsibility of the permanent member in terms of a capacity to reconcile the ‘concert’ and ‘governance’ functions of the Council, and to contribute materially to the achievement of governance objectives in areas where consensus is possible. Drawing on extensive interview data, and illustrating with reference to current debates on peacekeeping, we find that a state’s capacity to ‘punch above its weight’ diplomatically is linked to its material commitments and to a more inclusive approach in the Council.

Relational Obligations

This paper attempts to demonstrate that special responsibilities exist as a necessary and fundamental component of relationships. It seeks to show that, while special responsibilities may be superseded by other relevant concerns, they remain absolute. The paper attempts to demonstrate further that, even in cases of repugnant conclusion, special responsibilities exhibit a residual nature. It argues that such obligations are not always voluntary entered, but nevertheless represent prima facie duties to those parties involved.

The absence of great power responsibility in global environmental politics

Great powers routinely face demands to take on special responsibilities to address major concerns in global affairs, and often gain special rights for doing so. These areas include peace and security, global economic management, development, and egregious violations of human rights. Despite the rise in the importance and centrality of global environmental concerns, especially climate change and issues covered by the new Sustainable Development Goals, norms or institutions that demand or recognize great power responsibility are notably absent. This absence is puzzling given expectations in several major strands of International Relations theory, including the English School, realism, liberalism, and constructivism. Drawing on the reasoning behind these expectations, the absence of great power responsibility can be explained by a lack of congruence between systemic and environmental “great powers,” weak empirical links between action on the environment and the maintenance of international order, and no link to special rights. Instead, the institutionalized distribution of environmental responsibilities arose out of North–South conflict and has eroded over time, becoming more diffuse and decentered from ideas of state responsibility. These findings suggest a need to rethink the relationship among great powers and special rights and responsibilities regarding the environment, as well as other new issues of systemic importance.

Negotiating Responsibilities

In this chapter a moral case is made for family care. Two arguments are put forward in defense of this position: first, there is a moral familial responsibility and second, in taking care of a family member, a certain social good is derived that cannot be obtained otherwise. Family can be understood as a caring practice in which special responsibilities are distributed and negotiated. While family relationships count, the history of that relationship and the particulars of the situation also count in determining the moral weight of responsibilities that we have toward each other. If and how we have a particular responsibility toward a family member depends on the moral shape of the situation. Political and social considerations, such as considerations of justice and equity, are also part of this moral shape. The practice of assigning responsibilities is only intelligible against the background of existing practices and the normative expectations arising from them—practices that themselves need to be evaluated. In sum, family care can be seen as a contested practice in which responsibilities to care are negotiated.

Responsibilities of scientists and intellectuals

Do scientists and intellectuals bear responsibilities peculiar to them? If an ‘intellectual’ is whoever has a committed interest in the truth or validity of ideas for their own sake and a ‘scientist’ anyone possessing a special competence in the natural or social sciences, they may indeed be more likely to find themselves in certain characteristic positions of responsibility. In the case of intellectuals, the importance of providing checkable justification of claims made in their pursuit of truth brings certain responsibilities. Scientists may be said to have responsibilities for pursuing truth in their own areas of competence, for wielding their social power appropriately, for making their results generally accessible and for using resources properly. But these apparently special responsibilities are nevertheless to be understood as rooted ultimately in those which any human being may, in the relevant circumstances, be thought to bear to their fellows.