Developing a competitiveness index at sub-national level for India: an economic growth measure

PurposeThe objective of this study is threefold–first, to develop a Regional Competitiveness Index (RCI) for measuring competitiveness of sub-national regions for India; second, to test this index for its ability to explain regional growth, which validates usage and applicability of this index; and third, to further investigate if the competitiveness of states is in turn caused by economic growth, i.e. it is tested if there is a bidirectional causality between competitiveness and regional growth.Design/methodology/approachThe data of indicators used in the index are from sources available freely in public domain. The competitiveness index is constructed using equal weightage supported by principal component analysis (PCA) technique. The causal relationship analysis is done using panel data of 10 years from 2008 to 2017 for 32 Indian states/union territories. The generalized method of moments (GMMs) is used for this dynamic regression estimation.FindingsBased on RCI score, states have been ranked and through rank analysis, the authors observe the performance status of these sub-national regions and are able to categorize them as improving, no change or deteriorating in regional competitiveness. Using the GMM estimation, the association between RCI and economic growth is found to be significant at 10% level. This shows that regional competitiveness as captured through the RCI score is able to explain regional economic growth and economic disparity among the sub-national units. Further, that RCI score is found to Granger-cause growth, while growth does not lead to better RCI scores. This establishes the usefulness of RCI as an important policy variable to compare states and provide direction for sectoral reforms.Research limitations/implicationsThe limitations of the study include (1) broad assumption that these sub-national regions belong to a uniform macro-economic and technology environment, and (2) data constraints as it is a longitudinal study. The study implies that the composite index could capture differences in regional competitiveness explaining regional economic disparity and that competitiveness causes higher economic growth and not vice versa.Practical implicationsThe RCI score can prove to be a useful indicator of economic performance of different states and can be used by national and state policymakers to compare and assess regional disparity among different states. The pillar-wise scores will be useful for in-depth study of weakness and strength of the sub-national territories.Originality/valueConstruction of an RCI for sub-national territories and analysis of panel data for longitudinal study of ten years is unique in the regional competitiveness literature.

Preventing Multimorbidity with Lifestyle Interventions in Sub-Saharan Africa: A New Challenge for Public Health in Low and Middle-Income Countries

Objectives: Low and Middle-Income Countries are experiencing a fast-paced epidemiological rise in clusters of non-communicable diseases such as diabetes and cardiovascular disease, forming an imminent rise in multimorbidity. However, preventing multimorbidity has received little attention in LMICs, especially in Sub-Saharan African Countries. Methods: Narrative review which scoped the most recent evidence in LMICs about multimorbidity determinants and appropriated them for potential multimorbidity prevention strategies. Results: MMD in LMICs is affected by several determinants including increased age, female sex, environment, lower socio-economic status, obesity, and lifestyle behaviours, especially poor nutrition, and physical inactivity. Multimorbidity public health interventions in LMICs, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa are currently impeded by local and regional economic disparity, underdeveloped healthcare systems, and concurrent prevalence of communicable and non-communicable diseases. However, lifestyle interventions that are targeted towards preventing highly prevalent multimorbidity clusters, especially hypertension, diabetes, and cardiovascular disease, can provide early prevention of multimorbidity, especially within Sub-Saharan African countries with emerging economies and socio-economic disparity. Conclusion: Future public health initiatives should consider targeted lifestyle interventions and appropriate policies and guidelines in preventing multimorbidity in LMICs.

Panama’s economy is poised for dramatic rebound

Significance Mining and quarrying activities (728%), construction (489%), hotels and restaurants (92%), transport and communications (29.8%) and trade (23.9%) were the main drivers of growth, boosted by an easing of mobility restrictions and stronger global trade flows. Impacts The 'Pandora Papers' investigation will cast further doubt on Panama’s anti-money laundering efforts. Large social and economic disparity between the Panama Canal area and the rest of the country will continue to hinder development. The Darien Gap is increasingly becoming a migration bottleneck which will necessitate international cooperation, especially with Colombia. Service activities related to the expansion of the Panama Canal will support growth in the coming years. Higher import demand boosted by economic recovery will weigh on external accounts this year.

Mediation, Regulation, Critique: Mapping the Relationship between Cultural Meanings and Political Responses to Poverty, 1970-2010

<p>Since 1970 there has been growing concern over poverty in New Zealand in academia, government, and popular culture. From 1970 until 1984, this concern focused on New Zealand’s prolonged recession and falling standards of living in a period of high inflation. Since then, however, poverty and economic disparity have increased dramatically. The 1970-1984 period is now looked upon as relatively generous and committed to economic equality. The increase in poverty in contemporary times is marked by two political features. Neoliberal economic and social policies have resulted in the polarisation of wealth, increased employment insecurity, and reduced income for those reliant on state benefits (Harvey 2005). At the same time, discourses of morality have blamed beneficiaries for their “dependence” on the state. These features are not simply coincidental: the Governments that pursued income supplement reductions in New Zealand also employed the rhetoric of “welfare dependency” (O’Brien, Bradford, Stevens, Walters & Wicks 2010). As such, the link between moral discourse about poverty and political outcomes for the poor seems undeniable. I argue in this thesis that the relationship between these moral discourses and political outcomes is not as straightforward as the narrative above suggests. To make this argument I analyse moral discourses of poverty in the pre-neoliberal and neoliberal periods and find that these discourses are not as clearly aligned with macroeconomic periods as some suggest. Using this analysis, I then draw upon three traditions of cultural studies with macro-sociological theoretical orientations to determine a more fruitful analysis of the relationship between cultural meaning and political outcomes. I propose in this thesis that an analysis of the cultural meaning and political outcomes of poverty requires an investigation into three related spaces of contestation: mediation, regulation, and critique. To operationalise this analysis I focus specifically on newsprint mediation of poverty and neoliberalism, the institutional arrangements of the state that correspond to macroeconomic periods, and anti-poverty social movements. I also argue – counter to trends in sociological cultural studies – that the concepts of ideology and class must be re-introduced to effectively analyse the relationship between the cultural meanings and political outcomes of poverty. In my analysis I find considerable spaces of contestation between newspaper media, state institutions, and social movements. At the same time, synergies between them emerge. In all three, a “cultural logic” that promotes social and ethnic identities over economic identities becomes institutionalized within social movements, state institutions, and media reporting within the neoliberal era. This promotion of identities runs counter to the economic regulation of the period, where polarization occurs throughout society. As this “cultural logic” is institutionalized in the state, it is used to promote the understanding that economic disparity occurs between cultural identities rather than across them. As such, it translates potentially radical claims for economic redistribution into claims for inclusion. From this finding I conclude that the cultural logic, although it is called upon by actors across the political spectrum, nevertheless constitutes an ideology. It not only serves, in economic terms, a limited class at the expense of many, but also masks relative class benefits.</p>

Mediation, Regulation, Critique: Mapping the Relationship between Cultural Meanings and Political Responses to Poverty, 1970-2010

<p>Since 1970 there has been growing concern over poverty in New Zealand in academia, government, and popular culture. From 1970 until 1984, this concern focused on New Zealand’s prolonged recession and falling standards of living in a period of high inflation. Since then, however, poverty and economic disparity have increased dramatically. The 1970-1984 period is now looked upon as relatively generous and committed to economic equality. The increase in poverty in contemporary times is marked by two political features. Neoliberal economic and social policies have resulted in the polarisation of wealth, increased employment insecurity, and reduced income for those reliant on state benefits (Harvey 2005). At the same time, discourses of morality have blamed beneficiaries for their “dependence” on the state. These features are not simply coincidental: the Governments that pursued income supplement reductions in New Zealand also employed the rhetoric of “welfare dependency” (O’Brien, Bradford, Stevens, Walters & Wicks 2010). As such, the link between moral discourse about poverty and political outcomes for the poor seems undeniable. I argue in this thesis that the relationship between these moral discourses and political outcomes is not as straightforward as the narrative above suggests. To make this argument I analyse moral discourses of poverty in the pre-neoliberal and neoliberal periods and find that these discourses are not as clearly aligned with macroeconomic periods as some suggest. Using this analysis, I then draw upon three traditions of cultural studies with macro-sociological theoretical orientations to determine a more fruitful analysis of the relationship between cultural meaning and political outcomes. I propose in this thesis that an analysis of the cultural meaning and political outcomes of poverty requires an investigation into three related spaces of contestation: mediation, regulation, and critique. To operationalise this analysis I focus specifically on newsprint mediation of poverty and neoliberalism, the institutional arrangements of the state that correspond to macroeconomic periods, and anti-poverty social movements. I also argue – counter to trends in sociological cultural studies – that the concepts of ideology and class must be re-introduced to effectively analyse the relationship between the cultural meanings and political outcomes of poverty. In my analysis I find considerable spaces of contestation between newspaper media, state institutions, and social movements. At the same time, synergies between them emerge. In all three, a “cultural logic” that promotes social and ethnic identities over economic identities becomes institutionalized within social movements, state institutions, and media reporting within the neoliberal era. This promotion of identities runs counter to the economic regulation of the period, where polarization occurs throughout society. As this “cultural logic” is institutionalized in the state, it is used to promote the understanding that economic disparity occurs between cultural identities rather than across them. As such, it translates potentially radical claims for economic redistribution into claims for inclusion. From this finding I conclude that the cultural logic, although it is called upon by actors across the political spectrum, nevertheless constitutes an ideology. It not only serves, in economic terms, a limited class at the expense of many, but also masks relative class benefits.</p>

Preventing Multimorbidity with Lifestyle Interventions in Sub-saharan Africa: A New Challenge for Public Health in Low and Middle Income Countries.

Objectives: Low and Middle Income Countries (LMICs) are experiencing a fast-paced epidemiological rise in clusters of non-communicable diseases (NCDs) such as diabetes and cardiovascular disease, forming an imminent rise in multimorbidity (MMD). However, preventing MMD has received little attention in LMICs, especially in Sub-Saharan African Countries. Design: Narrative review which scoped the most recent evidence in LMICs about MMD determinants and appropriated them for potential MMD prevention strategies. Methods: MMD in LMICs is affected by several determinants including increased age, female gender, environment, lower socio-economic status, obesity, and lifestyle behavious, especially poor nutrition and physical inactivity. Results: MMD public health interventions in LMICs, especially Sub-Saharan are currently impeded by local and regional economic disparity, underdeveloped healthcare systems, and concurrent prevalence of communicable diseases. However, lifestyle interventions that are targeted towards preventing highly prevalent MMD clusters, especially hypertension, diabetes and cardiovascular disease, can provide an early prevention of MMD, especially within Sub-Saharan African countries with emerging economies and socio-economic disparity. Conclusion: Future public health initiatives should consider targeted lifestyle interventions and appropriate policies and guidelines in preventing MMD in LMICs.

Socio-economic disparity in visual impairment from cataract

AIM: To investigate the association of visual impairment from cataract with human development index (HDI) by years lived with disability (YLDs). METHODS: Published data on national age-standardized YLD rates caused by cataract and national HDIs in 2019 were obtained. Age-standardized YLD rates from 1990 to 2019 were analyzed to explore cataract burden among patients with different income levels. Age-standardized YLD rates in different HDI groups were compared by different degrees of visual impairment. Association between national age-standardized YLD rates and HDI in 2019 was analyzed. RESULTS: The age-standardized YLD rates of populations with visual impairment or blindness due to cataract declined from 1990 to 2019, especially among those with lower middle income. Multiple comparison tests revealed that countries with low HDI had significantly higher age-standardized YLD rates of blindness due to cataract than those with high and very high HDI (P<0.001). The age-standardized YLD rates of populations with blindness (β= -0.588, P<0.001), severe vision loss (β=-0.378, P<0.001), and moderate vision loss (β=-0.389, P<0.001) inversely correlated with HDI. CONCLUSION: Age-standardized YLD rates caused by cataract have declined since 1990. The burden of visual impairment due to cataract inversely correlate with national socioeconomic development and is more concentrated in countries with low HDI than those with high HDI, especially among the blind. These findings highlight the need to provide additional cataract services and cataract surgery coverage to developing countries to decrease the burden of avoidable blindness caused by cataract.

The trend of urbanization in North 24 Parganas District of West Bengal

In response to the changes in the human and natural environment, developing countries have experienced dramatic urbanization. In this paper, North 24 Parganas district has been taken to understand the changing pattern and the causes of urbanization, its relationship with socio-economic development. The urbanization process has been analyzed for the period 1951-2011 of all the 22 Blocks using the Census of India data. The decadal growth rate of urban population and urban centers are analyzed to study the trend pattern of urbanization. The trend of urbanization in the district shows a different pattern than in the state. Though the share of the urban population and the number of urban centers in the district are the highest in the state, the growth rate of the urban population shows a declining trend. At the Block level, the spatial and temporal pattern of urbanization in the district is highly variable due to socio-economic disparity. The western part of the district shows highly urbanized due to its proximity to the agglomeration and outgrowth of the Kolkata metropolitan Centre.