Leftturn of the peronism in the «long» 60's.

The Argentinian 60s of the ХХ century were a time of growing political tension and the emergence of new ideological and political movements that constituted the era of revolutionary activism and ideological search. The key actor in this process was left-wing Peronism, which experienced a sharp evolution in the direction of Marxism, new left ideological currents, and the anti-imperialist unity of the «Third world» countries during these years. The rapprochement of the Peronist left with Marxism in its classical (Soviet), Maoist, Gramscian and even Trotskyist versions gave rise to the emergence of a fruitful current of the «new left», which had a decisive influence on Argentine social thought and political agenda. The 60s were key for the further history of Argentina, both politically, ideologically and socially. Left-wing Peronism brought a lot of new things to Argentine politics, both revolutionary violence and the desire to perceive ideas from other left-wing currents, not only Marxism, but also social Catholicism, «liberation theology» and terсermundism. Ideological and political processes within left-wing Peronism in the 60s, its interaction with the «new left», communists and socialists, castrism and Maoism, the development of its own concept of the national liberation revolution and national socialism is devoted to this work.

Years of hope: the new left in Bolivia, 1960—1980

This work is devoted to the emergence of the "new left" movement in Latin America in the 60s, considering as an example Bolivia. Here it is proposed to analyze the “new lefts” that arose as a result of the crisis of traditional orthodox Marxism and communism, and not those leftists that emerged on the continent after the collapse of the USSR and the dramatic changes in the left political space, the emergence of various variants of “socialism of the 21st century”, also called "new". In Bolivia, the “new left” was formed from the search for a synthesis of Marxism and nationalism, the renewal of the ideas of socialism at the expense of Western, unorthodox Marxism, and an alliance with social Catholicism. All the political and ideological currents of the "new left" arose under the dominant influence of the Cuban revolution, the guerrilla of Che Guevara, “theology of liberation” and the "world revolution" of 1968. This phenomenon had a short existence, entering a deep crisis in the late 80s, but at the same time leaving a rich legacy for the next generations of the Bolivian left, and there is a clear continuity between the “new left” of the 60s and 70s and today's Latin American left.

The French maisons sociales, Chicago’s Hull-House scheme and their influence in Portugal

This chapter traces the transnational translation of the settlement house model from the UK and the USA to France and from there to Portugal. The French settlement houses, maisons sociales, that emerged at the end of the 19th Century were influenced by social Catholicism and feminism. They also shared commonalities with, and exhibited divergences from the UK and US settlement house models. While residence, research and engagement in professional training were common, research in the maisons sociales was, unlike in the USA, not a means to further social policies but rather to enhance scientific knowledge. In the mid-1930s, the settlement house model was adopted in Portugal under the aegis of the single-party regime of the Estado Novo. Of the two organisations that engaged in the establishment of settlement houses in Portugal in the following decades, the Institute of Social Work in Lisbon (ISS) was strongly influenced by the French maisons sociales and by social Catholicism.

How Ordo-Liberal Is Germany? Ordo-Liberalism in Post-War National Unifying Mythology

This chapter examines the myth and reality of Ordo-liberal intellectual capture of Germany and the role of Ordo-liberalism in efforts to construct a new post-war national unifying myth. It focuses on the genesis of the concept of the social market economy and its relationship to Ordo-liberalism; on the distinction between fundamentalists and realists in Ordo-liberalism; and on the differences between philosopher-economists and statesmen-economists. Close attention is paid to the ideas and role of Ludwig Erhard and his network of support; the institutional appropriation of Ordo-liberalism by the Bundesbank, the federal cartel office, and the federal economic ministry’s economic policy division; and the role of Ordo-liberalism in competition policy, in European economic and monetary union, and in German policy during the euro area crisis. At the same time, stress is placed on the gaps in Ordo-liberal thinking and counter-national unifying myths, drawing on social Catholicism, social partnership, and civilian power. The chapter has three main case studies: of Ordo-liberalism in the Great Depression, focusing on the Brauns Commission, the Lautenbach Plan, and the role of Wilhelm Röpke; central bank independence, monetary policy reform in the early 1970s, and the ‘monetarist revolution’; and Alfred Müller-Armack’s proposal for a European Stabilization Board. These case studies use archival evidence. The chapter closes with reflections on the significance of Ordo-liberalism in Germany.

The Course of Catholic History in Latin America

The chapter presents a general narrative of 500 years of Christian history in Latin America, placing particular emphasis on the most controversial developments and debates. Among them are the “struggle for justice” and questions concerning acculturation and “syncretism” in the sixteenth century; the links between popular piety and Baroque spirituality and their clash, first with Jansenism and then with Bourbon reformism in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; the challenges of independence, liberalism, and the secular state in the nineteenth century; social Catholicism in the first half of the twentieth century; liberation theology and the growth of Protestantism in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. The chapter pays particular attention to the resilience and legacy of early mendicant evangelization in the formation of an often-neglected Christian culture that can be described as both indigenous and genuinely Christian.

La aldea perdida, de Palacio Valdés, alegato anti-industrialista

In Palacio Valdés’ La aldea perdida (1903) it can be found a good sampling of the major anti-industrialist issues of the moment. In fact, the novel is linked to the fin de siècle anti-industrialism and also to the distrust towards the industrial world of Spanish Social Catholicism. However, its strong antiindustrialist component was diminished in the film adaptation done by Sáenz de Heredia in 1948, during the early Franco period: in these years the official agrarian rhetoric was combined with an openly industrial orientation of practical politics.

The 'angelification' of girls: Winx Club as a neo-liberal Catholic project

This article examines and contextualizes the socio-economic model and values system from which the transmedial, transnational text that we call the Winx Project derives and in which it is produced. The Winx Project centres on an animated television series for girls and tweens, Winx Club, produced in Italy and distributed in 150 countries worldwide, but includes spin-off television formats, films, live and interactive entertainments, an amusement park and merchandising and fashion to compose a multifaceted, multiple 'text'. This plural text is employed to measure the functionality of the Winx Club within a global and transnationalized discourse of neo-liberal economics on the one hand and, on the other, a local context that reaches deep into the regional character of Social Catholicism to purvey on a global scale its ethics and values system.