Religion and Ethnicity Traps: Behind the Intention to Vote of Millennial Voters

Millennial voters are a potential community that is a strategic target for pairs of candidates for regional election contestation to reap the coffers of votes. The campaign approach using religious and ethnic sentiments is an alternative strategy. This study looks at religion and ethnicity influencing millennial voters’ voting intentions. The research method uses quantitative methods with multiple linear regression. The research sample was drawn randomly according to the criteria so that the answers to 280 respondents were analyzed. The study results found that religion significantly influenced millennial voter intentions, while ethnicity did not affect millennial voter intentions. Millennial voters tend not to be interested in practical politics.

IJTIHAD POLITIK KYAI: PERGESERAN OTORITAS KHR. ACH. FAWAID AS’AD SITUBONDO

This study found that the relationship between santri and kyai is a pattern of emotional relations such as the feudal system. Kyai has three pillars. They are the mass base as a pattern of social structure, the ulama base as a leadership structure and the cultural base as a scientific basis. However, these three pillars have experienced a shift due to the kyai's entry into practical politics due to his political ijtihad. This shift places the authority of the kyai from a spiritual teacher (central position) to a politician (peripheral position). In this case, the kyai is still obeyed when he is in a central position as a spiritual teacher and not obeyed when his position is marginal as a politician. Of course, this becomes an authority dilemma as experienced by kyai Fawaid who is directly involved in practical politics. The involvement of kyai Fawaid in politics does not belong to the opportunist category but is a form of concern for carrying out the commands of ma'ruf nahi munkar in social transformation. Kyai Fawaid's political ijtihad was strongly influenced by the habituation of Islamic boarding schools based on fiqh. Habituation here is to create a political situation and condition (persistence life situation) through a process of internalization and habituation in accordance with the values ​​of the pesantren, not to be carried away by the flow of political habituation which is always pragmatic and materialistic. The result of his Ijitihad that winning in politics by deception must be abandoned and losing in the right way must be maintained. Thus, the findings of this study can invalidate the theory from the results of research that has been carried out by Ernst Utrecht, Mochtar Naim, Daneli Lev, Justus van der Kroef, Arnold Brackman and Munir Mulkan, where they say that kyai or pesantren of Nahdlatul Ulama who participate politics are opportunists.

Bosnia and Herzegovina in current Serbian and Croatian political conceptions

In this article, with some methodological dilemmas, an attempt is made to speak more clearly from a certain historical perspective about the current Serbian and Croatian political conceptions towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, which „produce“ an almost permanent political crisis in this area - from Dayton to today. The continuity and current effects of these policies, which have their roots in some dark historical depths and myths, never changing their essence and their goals, were pointed out. In the current Serbian and Croatian political conceptions, Bosnia and Herzegovina is treated as a „sphere of interest“, which should be mastered as much as possible in peace, if it did not succeed in the war. Serbia and Croatia, in the historical sense, since they have existed as political entities, have been opposed to each other in almost everything. The only thing on which there was a high degree of agreement was the question of the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina, again depending on historical circumstances and other circumstances. (to mention only Tudjman and Milosevic). In the last few years, intensive cooperation and a high degree of „agreement“ between Serbian and Croatian politics have been noticed, again „regarding“ Bosnia and Herzegovina, its status and the definitive post-Dayton division. In this sense, it is not difficult to recognize several common characteristics of both policies. In this article, the author focuses on the following: the first is a declarative and formal public declaration of both to respect the integrity and sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina, while in practical politics this sovereignty is continuously violated and „trampled“, acting as its „rulers“. . Another common feature is the belittling and labeling of all pro-Bosnian political forces, reducing them to „political Sarajevo“ in the pejorative sense of the word, with multiple offensive and deeper meanings, which, in addition to Milorad Dodik (to make the absurd even greater, as president or member of the Presidency of BiH) from the Serbian one, Zoran Milanović, the current president of Croatia, until yesterday a declared friend of Bosnia and the pro-Bosnian SDP, is increasingly expressing himself in his own way. Obstruction of the process of reforms and rapprochement of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the European Union and NATO membership is the third session of the characteristics of Serbian and Croatian politics (albeit in different versions), while the fourth, denial of decisions and verdicts of the Hague Tribunal for crimes and atrocities is dominant over Bosniaks (again in a different version): Serbs deny genocide verdicts, and Croats deny convictions for the Joint Criminal Enterprise. In addition to common characteristics, this paper highlights some special features of the current Serbian and Croatian policy towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, which, again, boils down to one goal: to strengthen (make independent) the Republika Srpska and cantons with a Croat majority, as well as the position of Croats in Federation with the aim of forming a third entity and at the same time weaken the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina until the question of the meaning of its existence is raised. The state's inability to organize the procurement of coronavirus vaccines is just one of the latest proofs that these destructive political forces have succeeded to a great extent. This article points out the consequences of such a policy and emphasizes the need to stop further degradation and collapse of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state. Such forces exist, they just have to be activated.

Supremacy of theoretical thought over practical thought in Plato's political philosophy

Based on the example of Plato’s political philosophy, this article explores the phenomenon of supremacy of theoretical thought over practical thought, which is a universal trait of the classical Ancient Greek philosophical systems. The first part of the articled indicates the conceptual similarity of the two-level systems of knowledge of Plato and Aristotle in the role that theory plays in relation to practical thought. The second part of the article reconstructs the concept of Plato's philosophy of politics, outlines the key political strategies he dealt with, and provides analytical reconstruction of the democratic theory of politics, oligarchic and civil-political, where the latter is the reflection of Plato’s original political views. The final part is dedicated to the method of Plato's political philosophy. Analysis of the context of using the term “theory” by Plato allows reconstructing the key methodological characteristic of Plato's model of theoretical philosophy. The article also provides the typology of practical knowledge, and substantiates the reasons according to which the political philosophy, as one of the types of practical knowledge, had to adhere to the theoretical prescriptions that fully determined the content of political reflection. The paper reveals the central practical task of philosophical theory, which by Plato's plan was intended to cease the political strife in Athens using true knowledge. The thesis is substantiated that using theory, Plato sought to complete the history of practical politics and subsequently shift towards building the “ideal state” based on the laws that are mandatory for all citizens of the polis. The article also discloses the principles of complex interrelation of the three Socratic methods: irony, dialectics and maieutics, which in Plato's political philosophy manifested as a single complex method. It is demonstrated that the method fulfills a bonding function between theory and practice, which allows transferring the theoretical truth to the sphere of practical problems of politics.

Rurally rooted cross-border migrant workers from Myanmar, Covid-19, and agrarian movements

This paper examines the situation of rurally rooted cross-border migrant workers from Myanmar during the Covid-19 pandemic. It looks at the circumstances of the migrants prior to the global health emergency, before exploring possibilities for a post-pandemic future for this stratum of the working people by raising critical questions addressed to agrarian movements. It does this by focusing on the nature and dynamics of the nexus of land and labour in the context of production and social reproduction, a view that in the context of rurally rooted cross-border migrant workers necessarily requires interrelated perspectives on labour, agrarian, and food justice struggles. This requires a rethinking of the role of land, not as a factor in either production or social reproduction, but as a central component in both spheres simultaneously. The question is not ‘whether’ it is necessary and desirable to forge multi-class coalitions and struggles against external capital, while not losing sight of the exploitative relations within rural communities and the household; rather, the question is ‘how’ to achieve this. It will require a messy recursive process, going back and forth between theoretical exploration and practical politics.

WOMEN'S LEADERSHIP IN INDONESIA CONTEMPORARY FIQH PERSPECTIVE

This paper describes the leadership of women in Indonesia in contemporary fiqh. The method used is literature and describes the main problems in the research. The sub-problems that are addressed are the role of women in the era of the Prophet and contemporary fiqh in women's leadership in Indonesia. This study found that the involvement of women in the time of the Prophet was not restricted in social aspects, attending lectures, discussion partners and so on. Reflecting that social involvement in the Sasulullah era was very open to women, it is not appropriate and fair if women are limited in their space of movement in social participation or career. The paradigm of women "staying at home" is not in line with the Prophet's example in his time, especially in today's life, especially in Indonesia, which gives women the freedom to work. The explanations in the collective verses of the Qur'an and Hadith and social facts at the time of the Prophet, as well as historical facts in Indonesia, are evident in the involvement of women in all aspects, including being leaders in social, educational and political aspects. Women's political participation is in line with Indonesia's social and constitutional situation in opening up space for women to be involved in practical politics, including running for Regional Head and President. The potential of women in terms of leading the state (becoming heads of state) is very open and justified in Islam because no text contradicts contextually but provides the same rights and responsibilities as men in all aspects, including religion, social and culture. Political.

KIPRAH TUAN GURU DALAM POLITIK LOKAL

The character of the master teacher in the Lombok Society Lombok encourages the masters to be more involved in practical politics so that it has an impact on da'wah activities. This study elaborates on the involvement of the master teacher in practical politics and its impact on the preaching of master teachers in Praya District, Central Lombok. This research produces a fact that involvement of master teachers - master teachers in Praya District Central Lombok in politics based on capacity and its role in society, but then the role shifted towards "political oriented"

Neutrality of The State Civil Apparatus (ASN) in Indonesian Elections

The neutrality of ASN has always been a hot topic in various circles. Concern over the alignment of ASN to one of the candidate pairs is the main reason there are three types of politicization of the bureaucracy in Indonesia: First, openly politicization. Second, semi-open politicization, third, closed politicization. By utilizing the votes of civil servants, it is obvious for incumbent candidates with the promise of being given a position or to support their superiors and the mobilization of civil servants during general and regional elections. The politicization of the bureaucracy in Indonesia is still exist, currently politicization can appear from the legislature or from the executive with the aim of perpetuating power. From symptoms ranging from users of state facilities, mobilization of civil servants, compensation for positions, commercialization of positions, recruitment of new civil servants, to removal (depromotion) of regional secretaries. The involvement of the State Civil Apparatus (ASN) in practical politics is obvious because ASN is considered as the easiest way to influence society. The position of ASN is quite strategic and seen in the community, of course, will make it easier for candidates to gain support and have big hopes in the pilkada. The non-neutrality of ASN is certainly in the spotlight amidst the hopes of the community that ASN is able to become a pillar of an example of an honest and fair course of democratization.

Kapitalisasi Modal dan Kepentingan Elit Politik (Studi Arena Perebutan Pemimpin Lokal Antara Anak Adat Moi di Kabupaten Sorong 2017)

Political dynamics today is very competitive, all aspects are used as references in practical politics. For example, political elites refer to financial capital and social capital for political purposes (interest politics). The political elite in Sorong Regency makes the Moi custom as an access to legitimize sacredly for the sake of the election of local leaders. This article focused on assessing social capital and political elites in the election of local leaders, the scope of this study was in Sorong, and using social and elite capital theory as an analysis. Sorong regency is customary region of Moi tribe, custom becomes central and even big narration in election of local leader in Sorong regency. The hope and customary interests through the Moi customary council are able to fight for the rights and aspirations of Moi's indigenous peoples in determining their aspirations. To continue the aspiration of the community, the Moi custom council must make a decision through custom forum in Maladofok district of Sayosa to determine the readiness of customary man who deserve to be a leader in Sorong regency which in fact is the customary region of Moi.

The August 1910 Elections

The August 1910 elections, for a doubled sized revisionary assembly, was the basis for change, provided the leader could resolve differences among the 'new men' and channel new ideas into practical politics. The contest was between the old political world, palaiokommatismos, built around old and powerful families (Theotokis, Rallis, etc) sometimes labelled oligarchy, and new men, independents standing for some version of revival (anorthosis). The old parties won a clear majority of seats, but the independents, new men, with about one third of the seats, had made a compelling entry to parliamentary politics and could not be ignored. They were themselves divided into groups of liberals, socialists, agrarians, republicans etc. They needed someone to bring them together and lead them, i.e. Venizelos, and a structure and organization, i.e. a political party. The aim must be to channel their energy and ideas into practical politics. Venizelos wound up his affairs in Crete and moved to the Athenian stage.