glossa ordinaria
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Vox Patrum ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 78 ◽  
pp. 499-514
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Bardski
Keyword(s):  

Pseudo-Garnier z Langres zawarł w swoim glosariuszu symboli biblijnych sześć alegorycznych znaczeń śmierci. Kojarzy się ona z umartwieniem, pychą, diabłem, nienawiścią do braci, grzechem oraz wieczną karą przeznaczoną dla grzeszników. Wszystkie interpretacje alegoryczne mają wydźwięk moralny i zdecydowana większość (z wyjątkiem umartwienia) ujmuje śmierć z negatywnej perspektywy. W toku badań udało się dotrzeć do wszystkich źródeł stanowiących bezpośrednie inspiracje dla Pseudo-Garniera z Langres, są to mianowicie: Moralia Grzegorza Wielkiego, Glossa Ordinaria oraz Komentarz do Psalmów Manegolda z Lautenbach, przypisywany Bedzie Czcigodnemu. Jednak pośrednio można dopatrzeć się inspiracji sięgających św. Augustyna. Autor glosariusza stara się pozostać wierny źródłom, z których korzysta. Ma świadomość, że jego praca stanowi posługę, mającą na celu uporządkowanie i sklasyfikowanie spuścizny interpretacji alegorycznej. Jego dzieło nie ma charakteru twórczego, lecz stara się  przedstawić te skojarzenia symboliczne, które stanowią główny nurt chrześcijańskiej alegorystyki biblijnej.


Author(s):  
Christopher R Mooney

Abstract Since the Reformation, James 2:24, ‘justified by works and not by faith alone’, has been the source of special controversy within an already contested epistle. But in the patristic and medieval period it was almost entirely unemployed and ignored, despite the widespread use, both approvingly and critically, of the expression sola fide. This article offers a pre-Reformation reception history of James 2:24. It begins with Origen and Augustine’s broader interpretation of James 2, then turns to the key pre-Reformation references to James: the earliest references (fifth–seventh century), Bede the Venerable (eighth), the Glossa Ordinaria (twelfth), Nicholas of Gorran (thirteenth), John Wyclif and Ps-Jan Hus (fourteenth), and Dionysius the Carthusian (fifteenth). Surprisingly, James 2:24 is at times explicitly harmonized with the expression sola fide, and only rarely used to critique it, because most read the Vulgate’s language in James 2:24 (non ex fide tantum) to refer solely to the need for later good works. At the same time, ‘justified by works’ was generally interpreted as referring to a confirmation or manifestation of justification until the scholastic period, when we find the earliest instances of interpreting ‘justified by works’ as a further justification. These results provide a theologically rich historical perspective on the reception of James 2:24 with respect to the development of sola fide and the scholastic interpretation of ‘justified by works’ as a subsequent increase in justification.


Author(s):  
Christian Hofreiter

This chapter sets out the tradition of interpreting the Old Testament wars figuratively, tracing it from Origen’s seminal third-century contributions via Prudentius, John Cassian, Gregory the Great and Isidore of Seville to the Glossa ordinaria and the preaching of Berthold of Regensburg. While the figurative reading of Old Testament warfare and annihilation texts predates the sustained moral criticism made of these texts from the second century onward, Origen makes extensive use of figurative readings in his response to critics such as Marcion, various gnostics, and Celsus. Origen’s identification of the Canaanites with the vices becomes widespread. On this reading, herem stands for a war of extermination against sin. Influential Christian authors repeat this identification so frequently that by the eighth century it is commonly accepted. The pervasiveness of this reading in the Glossa ordinaria suggests that in the Middle Ages it was perhaps the ‘standard’ reading among learned Christians.


2018 ◽  
Vol 82 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik de Boer

The purpose of this article is to listen to John Calvin’s view on the place of Israel from his exegesis of Romans 9-11, against the backdrop of the history of Christian exegesis of this same passage. After establishing that Calvin’s view of Israel and the Jews was primarily determined by his biblical exegesis (and not so much by any noteworthy interaction with the Jews of his time), the historical voices of Origen, Ambrose, Augustine, Pelagius and Glossa Ordinaria are explored. In the last part Calvin’s exegesis of Romans 9-11 is investigated. This investigation makes clear that Calvin is not caught up in a dogmatic discussion of predestination, but that he rather focuses on Paul’s preaching with regards to Israel. There is the scandalum of Israel’s unbelief whereby the visible body of the people of Israel has been generally rejected. But this is not a complete rejection. The secret election of God means that there is still an adoption, which is completely grounded in God’s grace. Calvin has a broad understanding of ‘Israel’ which includes both Jewish and gentile Christians. But for the reformer of Geneva the Jews always remain the firstborn in God’s house. Regarding the Jewish people as a collective, Calvin does not harbour any particular expectations. Opsomming Die doel van hierdie artikel is om te luister na Johannes Calvyn se visie op die plek van Israel vanuit sy eksegese van Romeine 9-11, teen die agtergrond van die geskiedenis van die Christelike Bybeluitleg van dieselfde gedeelte. Nadat vasgestel is dat Calvyn se visie op Israel en die Jode primêr bepaal is deur sy Bybeluitleg (en nie soseer deur enige noemenswaardige omgang met die Jode van sy tyd nie), klink agtereenvolgens die stemme van Origenes, Ambrosius, Augustinus, Pelagius en die Glossa Ordinaria. In die laaste gedeelte word Calvyn se eksegese van Romeine 9-11 ondersoek. Hierdie ondersoek maak duidelik dat Calvyn nie vasgevang is in ’n dogmatiese behandeling van die uitverkiesing nie, maar dat hy eerder die aandag rig op Paulus se prediking met betrekking tot Israel. Deur die scandalum van Israel se ongeloof is daar ’n algemene verwerping van die sigbare volk. Maar dit is geen algehele verwerping nie. Die geheime uitverkiesing van God beteken dat daar steeds ’n aanneming is, wat volledig in God se genade gegrond is. Calvyn het ’n breë verstaan van ‘Israel’ – dit sluit sowel Joodse Christene as Christene uit die heidendom in. Vir die Geneefse hervormer bly die Jode egter altyd die eersgeborenes in God se huis. Wat betref die Joodse volk as kollektief, koester Calvyn geen besondere verwagting nie.


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