Reinventing Housing Care: Environmental Negotiations Made in Congregate Settings During COVID-19

The COVID-19 pandemic prompted an urgent reconsideration of space and place within congregate housing. Research has only underscored the need for health-promoting physical alterations to residential environments (Peters & Halleran, 2020), but also generated lasting questions about the relationships between congregate environments and their residents, visitors, and workforce —among them, what ways can environments be negotiated to reduce risk (Dosa et al., 2020)? How can environments enact care for formal caregivers (Chen & Chavalier, 2021)? Who might be challenged by this care which may question the dangers associated with proximity (Lynn, 2020)? This symposium focuses on the ways stakeholders within congregate housing observed, related to, and negotiated changes to space and place during the pandemic. Paper 1 presents an organizational case study investigating provider perspectives of how housing and healthcare responses to COVID have shaped palliative care with unhoused patients during the pandemic. Paper 2 highlights the collaborative work of a multi-sector coalition working to address timely needs of residents in low-income senior buildings. Paper 3 reflects on the formation of a cross-national senior housing network and the interdisciplinary exchange of best practices and policy recommendations that emerged. The collective findings of these papers challenge previous notions of care in congregate environments, illuminate how provider networks respond to crises and share emergent knowledge, and consider how institutional decisions about the pandemic have re-placed and re-spaced provider and patient experiences. This symposium offers observations and strategies that may assist in envisioning successful congregate care during COVID-19 and beyond.

Accounting for Inequality Aversion Can Justify the 2◦ C Goal

Impact assessment models are a tool largely used to investigate the benefit of reducing polluting emissions and limiting the anthropogenic mean temperature rise. However, they have been often criticised for suggesting low levels of abatement. Countries and regions, that are generally the actors in these models, are usually depicted as having standard concave utility functions in consumption. This, however, disregards a potentially important aspect of environmental negotiations, namely its distributive implications. The present paper tries to fill this gap assuming that countries\regions have Fehr and Schmidt (1999) (F&S) utility functions, specifically tailored for including inequality aversion. Thereby, we propose a new method for the empirical estimation of the inequality aversion parameters by establishing a link between the well known concept of elasticity of marginal utility of consumption and the F&S utility functions, accounting for heterogeneity of countries/regions. By adopting the RICE model, we compare its standard results with the ones obtained introducing F&S utility functions, showing that, under optimal cooperation, the level of temperature rise is significantly lower in the last scenario. In particular, in the last year of the simulation, the optimal temperature rise is 2.1 ◦ C. Furthermore, it is shown that stable coalitions are easier to be achieved when F&S preferences are assumed, even if the advantageous inequality aversion parameter (altruism) is assumed to have a very low value. However, self–sustaining coalitions are far from reaching the environmental target of limiting the mean temperature rise below 2 ◦ C despite the adoption of F&S utility functions.

International Ozone Negotiations and the Green Spiral

Scholarship examining the highly successful ozone negotiations is rare today, as lessons derived from them do not seem to have produced comparable success in climate negotiations. This article argues that there is a “missing piece” critical to understanding ozone negotiation success. I draw on path dependency and feedback literature as well as detailed historical research into the ozone negotiation process to propose a coherent feedback mechanism I refer to as the “green spiral.” In a green spiral, an iterative interaction between negotiation outcomes and changes to the sticky, internal material interests of industry works to make more stringent regulation feasible in subsequent negotiating rounds. Such dynamics offer a consistent explanation for the overall success of the ozone negotiations as well as the timing and nature of individual countries’ shifts in negotiating position and regulatory behavior over time. Understanding environmental negotiation through this lens offers insight into how outcomes of climate and other environmental negotiations might be improved.

The Paris Agreement as Analogy in Global Environmental Politics

The Paris Agreement is increasingly being used as an analogy in global environmental politics to discuss issues beyond climate change. This Forum article explores the two main ways in which this analogy has been discursively employed: as a symbol of diplomatic success to be emulated and as a model for institutional treaty design. It illustrates the broader meanings associated with the Paris Agreement, reflecting its preeminent public and political profile among environmental issues just a few years into its history and its potential significance in shaping subsequent global environmental negotiations.

Part VI Actors, Ch.37 Regional Organizations the European Union

This chapter addresses the European Union (EU) as a preeminent example of a regional organization and its role in international environmental law. It first examines the progressive affirmation of EU competence in the environmental field and its development of a distinctive environmental policy. The chapter then turns to the external dimension of EU environmental competence, discussing the EU's participation in and enforcement of international environmental law, as well as the general question of whether the EU can be said to have an external environmental policy. The EU internal environmental policy expands on the international stage. Even if it lacks the internal structures and resources fully and effectively to assume a role as a global environmental leader, the EU participates in environmental negotiations, concludes and implements international treaties, and exercises its ‘soft power’ to promote the development and implementation of international environmental law. The chapter concludes with some brief reflections on other regional organizations and their distinctions from the largely sui generis EU example.

External Environmental Policy

This chapter recalls how the EU started to become engaged in the international protection of the environment. It explains in detail the ECJ case law on the choice of legal basis under EU law when an international agreement contains both aspects of commercial policy and environmental protection. It also analyses the internal struggle between the EU institutions on how to conduct international environmental negotiations. The chapter includes a case study about the EU’s role in combating climate change and underlines the important contribution of the EU in the operation of numerous international environmental conventions.

Discourses of FLEGT and REDD + Regimes in Cameroon: A Nongovernmental Organization and International Development Agency Perspectives

This paper applies the international environmental negotiations framework (IENF) and the multiple streams framework (MSF) to analyze the influence of Nongovernmental Organizations (NGOs) and International Development Agencies (IDAs) in the development and implementation of the Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade agreement (FLEGT) and the Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) regimes in Cameroon. Deforestation, forest degradation, and illegal logging are critical issues in forest management in many forest-rich countries around the world. In attempt to curtail illegal logging, global forest governance in the past few years has witnessed the development of a number of timber legality regimes including FLEGT. In the same light, the international community has recently seen the emergence of the REDD+ regime to fight against global warming and climate change. Based on sixty-eight interviews in Cameroon with representatives of NGOs and IDAs, government officials, the timber industry, and members of forest communities, as well as eleven informal conversations, and more than sixty documents, the paper finds that NGO and IDA influence on the FLEGT and REDD+ regimes in Cameroon has been growing in three areas: stakeholder participation, project development, and institutional development. Thus, the increasing influence of NGOs and IDAs will pave the way for future interventions on social, cultural, economic, and environmental issues, including land tenure, carbon rights, benefit distribution, equity, Free, Prior and Informed consent, legality, and stakeholder process, related to the FLEGT and REDD+ regimes in Cameroon.