Maximizing gerrymandering through ising model optimization

By using the Ising model formulation for combinatorial optimization with 0–1 binary variables, we investigated the extent to which partisan gerrymandering is possible from a random but even distribution of supporters. Assuming that an electoral district consists of square subareas and that each subarea shares at least one edge with other subareas in the district, it was possible to find the most tilted assignment of seats in most cases. However, in cases where supporters' distribution included many enclaves, the maximum tilted assignment was usually found to fail. We also discussed the proposed algorithm is applicable to other fields such as the redistribution of delivery destinations.

Why Bother? Supporters of Locally Weaker Parties Are Less Likely to Vote or to Vote Sincerely

Voters are deterred from casting a vote and more likely to vote strategically if their preferred choice is less competitive in their electoral district. We use 2019 Canadian Election Study data to show that respondents’ answers to a “how likely are you to vote” question depend on their estimate of their preferred party's local chances of winning, relative to other parties. This deterrent effect on turnout from the competitiveness of a voter's preferred party is concentrated among certain parties (NDP, Green, People's Party of Canada). Under first-past-the-post (FPTP), voters with particular policy perspectives are systematically deterred from voting, relative to other voters. Furthermore, we find that despite supporters of all parties having an incentive to vote strategically if their party is outside the top two in the district, strategic voting is heavily concentrated among voters who prefer parties other than the nationally most competitive two parties.

Strategi dan Marketing Politik Caleg Anwar Al Sadat Dalam Pileg 2019 Dapil Palembang II Sumsel

The election of legislative candidates is a legitimate link between the people and the government in a democratic society. Political strategy is a political force that will occupy a power in the future, the strategy used is to use battle to win wars and aims to achieve peace. The purpose of this study was to determine the strategy carried out by M. Anwar Al Syadat in the 2019 legislative elections in the Palembang II electoral district. This research is field research or "field research" which is carried out in the real world. The results of field research show that the strategy carried out by M. Anwar Al Syadat in the 2019 legislative election uses a political marketing strategy, namely first, showing a political product which contains the vision and mission and excellent work programs of M. Anwar Al Syadat and the winning team. to be shown to the community in the 9 Districts where the campaign is. Second, this promotion is carried out by means of direct dialogue with the community and through social media such as Facebook and Instagram. Third, determine the price during the campaign, both in the campaign funding process and in building the image price of the legislative candidates. Fourth, the place for the campaign, which at that time was not only focused on 1 sub-district, but all sub-districts in the electoral district of Palembang II.

Keterlibatan Ulama dalam Pemenangan Caleg DPRD Provinsi Dapil VI Tahun 2019 (Studi Kasus Desa Sukacinta Kecamatan Sungai Rotan Kabupaten Muara Enim)

ABSTRACT This study aims, firstly to determine the interaction of ulama with the government and political figures and second to determine the form of ulama involvement in winning the Regional Legislative Council Candidates for Electoral District VI in Sukacinta Village, Sungai Rotan District, Muara Enim Regency. This research uses a qualitative method where the results of observations and some data related to the research are collected in order to interpret the study as detailed as possible, so that the results of the research are clear that the relationship between ulama and politics is not always caused by economic motives, dependence, or so on. More than that, both of them also stand as two entities that can form contributive and solution partners in practicing the humanist values ​​of Pancasila. Especially the implementation of the fifth principle, namely social justice for all Indonesian people. Therefore, it would not be wiser if scholars and politics were only seen tendentiously and excluded their potentialities which could significantly change the benefit of the people. Keywords: Ulama, Government, Politician

Strategi Komunikasi Politik PKS Jawa Barat Dalam Meningkatkan Perolehan Suara pada Pemilu 2019

This study aims to identify and analyze the political communication strategy of the Prosperous Justice Party in increasing the number of votes in the Electoral District of West Java VIII in the 2019 West Java DPRD Member Election. To answer this problem, an analysis of the main research questions was carried out, namely: the PKS political communication strategy. in increasing the number of votes in the 2019 elections. The approach used in this research is qualitative. In this study the informants were selected by purposive sampling (sample aims), namely: PKS Electoral District VIII Council, Chairperson of West Java PKS DPW, Chair of the West Java DPW PKS Election Team, Community Leaders of Bekasi City and Depok City, Chairperson of West Java PDIP DPD Election Team and Head of PPP Bekasi City, journalist. The results showed that, the communication strategy carried out by each cadre and legislative candidate who was nominated was building an inclusive self-image and eliminating the image of an exclusive party, eliminating stereotypes in society, building cooperation with all elements of the nation, and having a place in the hearts of the people. , as well as the strength of PKS party cadres with mutual help and high solidarity, they can help each other to campaign and reduce campaign costs

‘It’s a Long Way from Kuusamo to Kuhmo’: Mapping Candidates’ Electoral Constituencies in the Finnish Open-List Single Preference Voting System

This article seeks an insight into the nature of intraparty competition in an open-list single preference voting system, and it does so by analysing the distribution of votes for Centre Party candidates in the 40 or so municipalities making up the northern Finnish constituency of Oulu in each of the five general elections between 2003 and 2019. It builds on Grofman’s distinction between a geographical constituency and a candidate’s electoral constituency to map the ecology of candidate support in a constituency with (1) a larger than average district magnitude (M); (2) a significantly larger than average territorial magnitude (T); and (3) a substantially larger than average Centre party magnitude (P). Setting M, T and P within a party organisational framework, the article identifies (1) a significant disparity between levels of intraparty competition at district and sub-district levels; (2) several contextual factors that act more as disincentives than incentives to engage in personal vote seeking across the electoral district.

The Impact of the District’s Magnitude on the Gender Composition of the Municipal Deputy Corps

The purpose of the study is to explain the difference in the proportion of women deputies in the representative bodies of different municipalities. The author assesses the impact of the electoral districts size on the gender composition of municipal legislative bodies (dumas). A review of theoretical and empirical works shows that more women are elected to Parliament under the proportional representation system than under the majority system with single-mandate constituencies. According to the author, the decisive factor is not the type of the electoral system, but the size of the electoral district. Two working hypotheses were formulated. According to the first, representative bodies of municipalities, whose elections are held according to a majority system with multi-member districts, will have a higher representation of women than local dumas which are formed on the basis of a majority system with single-member districts. According to the second hypothesis, higher representation of women in the deputy corps of settlements can be associated with the holding of elections under the majority system with multi-mandate districts. To test the proposed hypotheses in the context of municipalities, empirical material was collected. The study was carried out on the data from the Sverdlovsk region. The database of indicators of municipalities of Rosstat, as well as the official websites of local administrations were used as the source of information. The method of multiple linear regression is used as the main research method. The data was analyzed with the Gretl applied statistical program. Statistical calculations have revealed a positive and statistically significant impact of multi-mandate constituencies-based elections on the proportion of women in the deputy corps, which contributes to the study of gender aspects of politics. It is shown that the size of the electoral district is important for the representation of women in the city councils. The article notes that the transition to holding elections of deputies on the basis of a majority system with multi-mandate districts will help increase the proportion of women in municipal representative bodies.

Changing electoral districts in Slovenia: empirical challenges for geography.

Designing electoral districts is never a straightforward task, as many different, often conflicting, principles must be taken into account. In Slovenia, similar population size and geographical and cultural homogeneity are the two main principles on which electoral district/constituency plans must be based. However, as both principles are only vaguely defined, this brings opportunities for their endless politicisation, potentially enabling gerrymandering, on the one hand, and challenges to geographers involved in the electoral districts/constituency design on the other. The experience gained in such a project is briefly presented, highlighting empirical solutions applied to approach the abovementioned challenges. Geoinformatic support plays an essential role in the process of designing electoral districts/constituencies and their versioning. Due to time constraints, it was not possible to fully develop and apply automatic procedures that provide acceptable results. However, our initial attempts suggest that automatic procedures can provide usable results (also in the design of other administrative spatial units) if the rules (the empirical form of the principles) are clearer and less elastic. Another empirical problem, the practical involvement of political parties in the process of electoral districting, has been attempted through a geoinformatic application that allows political parties to create their own district plans, perhaps leading to more problems than solutions.

Dynamic services, district magnitude, and the trilemma of the service economy

Advanced welfare countries have faced a mix of policy constraints regarding employment growth, income equality, and budget discipline in managing the challenges of deindustrialization, often dubbed as the trilemma of the service economy. Yet, puzzlingly enough, there are some welfare countries that could choose policy options outside of these policy constraints in their responses to deindustrialization. This article argues that the source of this derestricting capacity can be found in the size of electoral district and the level of development in dynamic service sectors. Using the Service Economy Trilemma Index (STI), the author propounds that the expansion of dynamic services in the economy has differential effects on the combined performance in employment, income equality, and budget discipline conditional on the district magnitude. The findings of this article show that countries with large electoral districts and well-developed dynamic service sectors are better able to derestrict policy constraints in the age of deindustrialization.

DIMENSI PEMILU DALAM SISTEM DISTRIK DAN PROPORSIONAL

The electoral system is regulated in statutory regulations containing three main variables, namely voting, electoral district, and electoral formula. As stated in the Election Law, the objective of the electoral system is to exercise people's sovereignty. A provision which is in line with the universal democratic principle of the rulers directs this goal to build legitimacy for a stable and strong government in mobilizing the masses. democratically Election, namely balancing these operational objectives with their use as a means of fighting for the interests of the people through political participation and political socialization