scholarly journals (Re)assembling the ‘normal’ in neoliberal policy discourses: tracing gender regimes in the age of risk

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarina Giritli Nygren ◽  
Siv Fahlgren ◽  
Anders Johansson

The purpose of this article is to explore through a reading of an official Swedish policy document what questions and challenges such a document poses for feminist theory by the way the ‘normal’ is (re)assembled in accordance with what others have called the risk politics of advanced liberalism.  The intensified focus on risk in neoliberalism has seen responsibility move from the state to individuals, and old divisions between society and market as well as between civil society and state are being refigured. The argument put forward here is that current modes of governance tend to neglect the complexities of present-day life courses when using a gender-‘neutral’ approach to social policy that is in fact the work of a gender regime.

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-246
Author(s):  
Holly Snape

This paper draws on empirical research undertaken in mainland China spanning five years to examine the role of a quiet, incremental, and holistic approach adopted by grassroots ngos as they attempt to carve out greater governance and service provision roles for themselves and influence the state. In light of this approach, it also questions the way we conceptualize the autonomy of ngos and the search for contestation between ngos and the state which clouds our view of more subtle yet powerful interaction. It goes on to suggest that by adjusting the lens through which we interpret the transformation of the state-society relationship, we may be able to form a clearer understanding of the wave-like development of civil society in China as the space for social organizing expands and contracts on an upward trajectory.


2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandro Rogari

The book delineates the emergence of a unitary state from the bedrock of a nation formed over centuries. It retraces the major advances in the integration between the state and civil society achieved in the first fifty years after unification, and the disastrous consequences wrought by the First World War and by Fascism. It underscores the way in which the post-war democratic revival rewound the virtuous process of construction of a state capable of expressing the Italian "plural nation". Despite this, it also stresses the way in which the ethical deterioration and the corruption of the political and administrative class that came to a head during the last twenty years of the twentieth century have again brought to the fore the problem of the construction of shared institutions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elena Ruíz ◽  
Kristie Dotson

In the wake of continued structural asymmetries between women of color and white feminisms, this essay revisits intersectional tensions in Catharine MacKinnon’s Toward a Feminist Theory of the State while exploring productive spaces of coalition. To explore such spaces, we reframe Toward a Feminist Theory of the State in terms of its epistemological project and highlight possible synchronicities with liberational features in women-of-color feminisms. This is done, in part, through an analysis of the philosophical role “method” plays in MacKinnon’s argument, and by reframing her critique of juridical neutrality and objectivity as epistemic harms. In the second section, we sketch out a provisional coalitional theory of liberation that builds on MacKinnon’s feminist epistemological insights and aligns them with decolonizing projects in women-of-color feminisms, suggesting new directions and conceptual revisions that are on the way to coalition.


2020 ◽  
pp. 405-424
Author(s):  
Lili Israel

The tracking of students in the schools is a topic that obligates social and educational reference. This is a fieldthat exposes gaps and contradictions regarding the possibilities and intentions of parts of Israeli society. It is difficultto definewho is being talked about. In addition, it is difficultto separate between or limit the reference to the single student as a real and feeling subject and the desire of the system for a child as a product of education. It is difficultto describe a general picture without forgetting the individuals in it, the students, when the relationship between the tracking, the dropping out, and the exclusion is unavoidable.This article is an attempt to examine the argument presented in research studies that the gaps between different groups in the population derive from the policy of tracking in education from the establishment of the State of Israel until today and that this policy is intentional. The way that the school as an organization acts and the topics with which it copes can be explained in social policy and in the sociological rationale that characterizes society in Israel.Which social and educational policy serves the tracking of students and why, despite the data and the numbers that indicate a large gap, is the topic of tracking not present in the educational discussion? I seek to assert that research in the field is insufficient and thait is necessary to place the topic on the agenda and conduct an educational discussion.


2010 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 197-210
Author(s):  
Oskar Mulej

In this article, the Slovenian author merges the perspectives of the history of popular culture and of the history of social movements. At the turn of the 1970s/1980s, the little town of Ljubljana, the capital of the communist-ruled Slovenia, became the centre of Yugoslavian alternative culture, which run parallel to the official culture but was completely independent from it. Alternative culture constituted a protest against the realities of the last years of Josip Broz Tito’s rule. As such, it provoked hostile reactions of the state. The rulers of Yugoslavia did not take into account the fact that the punks only constituted a kind of “cultural opposition”, and not a viable political force. The punk culture was an attempt to create a new mode of expression and a new lifestyle, and its power as an inspiration in Europe, including Poland, was unprecedented. As a sui generis social movement, the punk paved the way for the emergence of civil society.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 445
Author(s):  
Maria del Carmen Cortizo

Resumo: O presente trabalho discorre sobre que a possibilidade de construir políticas sociais dentro de um processo que objetive a radicalidade democrática que pode ser garantida através de processos participativos, mas necessariamente também representativos. Partindo da concepção gramsciana que concebe a democracia como parte da luta hegemônica, considera que as políticas sociais podem ser arena de disputa entre projetos societários (projeto neoliberal e projeto democrático-participativo) e que essa disputa deve acontecer no espaço “participativo” e no espaço “representativo” do Estado e da sociedade civil. Democracia e participação são termos de uma unidade orgânica que se realiza no processo de luta pela hegemonia.Palavras-chave: Democracia, participação, políticas sociais.DEMOCRACY, SOCIAL POLICY AND HEGEMONIC STRUGGLEAbstract: This paper reports about the possibility of building social policies within a process that aims the democratic radicality that can be ensured through participatory processes, but also necessarily representative. Starting from the Gramscian conception that conceives democracy as part of the hegemonic struggle, considers that social policies can be the arena of contest between corporate projects (neoliberal project and democratic participatory project) and that this dispute should happen in “participatory” space and “representative” space of the State and civil society. Democracy and participation are terms of an organic unity that takes place in the struggle for hegemony.Key words: Democracy, participation, social policies.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Eva Fodor

AbstractThis chapter introduces Hungary’s anti-liberal political rule and its gender regime. It traces policy changes in Hungary since 2010, discusses the legacies of the state socialist gender regimes and the formation of a new, anti-liberal one. I introduce the term “carefare” and discuss how the concept of “gender” has been deployed by Hungarian politicians to legitimate an increase in women’s unpaid care burden and their lack of attention to gender inequality in the labor market. I end the chapter with a description of my research methods and provide an outline for the rest of the book.


2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-280 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Chappell ◽  
Roberta Guerrina

The EU has been a key actor in shaping European gender regimes in post-war Europe. There is a substantial amount of work on the role of the EU as a gender actor, particularly in employment and social policy. The adoption of and consistent referral to equality as a fundamental value of the EU raises important questions about the way the EU promotes ‘soft’ values in an international setting, through its security and defence policy, particularly as the EU is trying to promote itself as a normative actor. Hence, this article sets out to analyse where gender equality, as a policy frame, is located within the European External Action Service (EEAS). Through an investigation into whether the core normative principles of gender equality and mainstreaming have permeated this policy domain, we then focus on how the EEAS reflects the EU’s gender regime, which is informed by Walby’s framework, and how this shapes mainstream security and defence policies. We find that the neo-liberal foundations of the EU permeate the way the EEAS incorporates the principle of equality, leading to a shallow understanding that focuses on adding women into existing structures.


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