II. Literature and Revolution in Historical Perspective: France, Mexico, the Soviet Union, China, Vietnam

1975 ◽  
pp. 156-164
2013 ◽  
Vol 203 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugene V. Rozengart ◽  
Natalia E. Basova ◽  
Serge N. Moralev ◽  
Sofya V. Lushchekina ◽  
Patrick Masson ◽  
...  

2020 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ieva Berzina

AbstractThe article discusses the idea of comprehensive national defence from a wide historical and geographical perspective. Countries facing different security challenges have used the concept of involving the entire society in state defence. From a historical perspective, ‘total defence’, with an emphasis on military components, was used primarily by non-aligned states during the Cold War; the breakdown of the Soviet Union reduced the importance of ‘total defence’; however, the emergence of hybrid threats in the 21st century has contributed to the rebirth of the concept in the form of ‘comprehensive national defence’, for application in circumstances wherein potential adversaries use military and non-military means in an integrated manner.


1995 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beatrice Heuser

With the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact and the collapse of the Soviet Union, we have come to a turning point, perhaps the most important turning point, in the short but complex history of nuclear strategy. The Cold War is now history, albeit the sort of history that we will be living with for a long time yet. It is therefore time to review the policies and strategies of the Cold War in a historical perspective. In this essay, it is NATO's nuclear strategy during the Cold War that will be the subject of such a review.2


1969 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanjay Jeram

Post-Franco Spanish governance represents a rare case of a stable multinational federation in comparative and historical perspective.1 In contrast to other multinational federations that arose from dictatorial rule, such as the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, Spain has not compromised its geographical integrity, and its federal institutions are still operating after more than two decades. Moreover, the first attempt to decentralize Spain in response to nationalist mobilization failed miserably, and led to civil war and fascism.2 This makes Spain’s peaceful and stable transition to a multinational federal democracy that much more remarkable. The question, then, is what accounts for the stability of Spain’s post-1978 federation?


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-40
Author(s):  
Valeria CHELARU

Bessarabia’s unification with the rest of the Romanian historical provinces in order to create the Greater Romania in 1918 opened up a dispute between the new state and Soviet Russia. The loss of its previous gubernia to the detriment of Romania, combined with a series of strategies imposed by its tremendous internal transformation, made the Soviet Union to reconsider its western borders. This article provides an overview of the formation of the Moldavan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (MASSR) – the political ancestor of contemporary Dnestr Moldovan Republic or Transnistria – and then proceeds to analyse its role as propaganda and political tools inside the USSR. In such context, Transnistria will be studied as borderland of Greater Romania in order to better understand its socio-political profile in accordance with Soviet policies. The main aim of this paper is to give an objective account of the events from the historical perspective and to reassess the socio-political engineering which the MASSR underwent from its creation in 1924 up until its union with Bessarabia in 1940.


Author(s):  
Ivan Sumaneev ◽  

Anton Shekhovtsov is a political researcher who deals with far right movements and leaders, mainly in Europe and in post-Soviet countries. This book presents a comprehensive and multifaceted analysis of ties between Russian officials and institutions with Western, predominantly European far-right politicians and intellectuals. Shekhovtsov points out that these ties have strengthened after 2004. He examines in detail the various scenarios and strategies the Russian sides resort to  from simple lobbying-like activity to more sophisticated schemes, such as electoral reports made by “independent” commissions consisting of the representatives of European far right parties and movements. Shekhovtsov gives the historical perspective, showing the interaction with the European far right even in the times of the Soviet Union. He presents the story of pre- and post-war plans to take advantage of the rightwing activists in Europe, mainly in Germany. The book by Anton Shekhovtsov is an interesting contribution both to our knowledge about the foreign policy of authoritarian regimes and to the field of international relations and Russian foreign policy.


1965 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
George L. Yaney

American experts on the Soviet Union have given much of their time to discussing whether the Russian communist government is going to remain “totalitarian” or instead turn “liberal.” Journalists and scholars alike judge Soviet policies and decrees largely according to whether or not they extend more “freedom” to the Russian people. Similarly, American writers in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries almost never inquired as to what purposes the Russian imperial government's policies and decrees were actually intended to serve but only how liberal they were or were not. When one writer said that the Tsar was liberalizing, another would reply that he had not actually surrendered any of his arbitrary power and that Russia was still as oppressive as ever. In American eyes, then, the Russian state apparently cannot move except along a single line that extends from freedom to oppression, democracy to absolutism, similarity to Western institutions to dissimilarity. If Russia is not moving toward one of these poles, then she is not moving at all. Few have suggested that Russian statesmen have been operating along other lines and coping with other problems. Seldom has it occurred to American observers that the question of liberalization has actually been rather a minor one in Russian development.


2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 577-594
Author(s):  
Paul Robert Magocsi

As the Soviet Union disintegrated and eventually dissolved in 1991, many of its peoples, both so-called titular nationalities and national minorities, put forth demands for independence or, at the very least, self-rule for territories that were said to represent the national patrimony. Among the many peoples who put forward such demands were Carpatho-Rusyns, who, together with fellow citizens of other national backgrounds, demanded autonomy or self-rule for the region (oblast) of Transcarpathia in far western Ukraine. This essay examines from a historical perspective the question of autonomy or self-rule for Carpatho-Rusyns and for all or part of the territory they inhabit, historic Carpathian Rus'. The autonomy question in Carpathian Rus' is hardly new, but one that goes as far back as 1848.


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