4. National Organization of Printing Craftsmen

1957 ◽  
pp. 45-56
1997 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 188-207
Author(s):  
Mohamed Aslam Mohamed Haneef ◽  
Ruzita Mohammad Amin

IntroductionIn the 1980s, the understanding and practice of Islam in Malaysiaentered a new phase. The global Islamic resurgence coupled with localMalaysian factors saw numerous important events talcing place. First, in1981 Dr. Mahathir Mohamed became Malaysia's fourth prime minister.Second, in 1982 the opposition Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS) wastaken over by new leadership that claimed total commitment to settingup an Islamic state and rejecting nationalism and ethnic politics. Also, inthe same year, Anwar Ibrahim, then the president of the MalaysianIslamic Youth Movement (ABIM), joined Dr. Mohamed's government,winning the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) youthmovement's presidency and joining the UMNO-led cabinet as a juniorminister.The Mohamed administration, unlike its predecessors, openly supportedIslamic reform at all levels of society. Islam's role became more thanceremonial; it became a source of values for development, facilitatedthrough the Inculcation of Islamic Values Policy (in 1981) and the estab­lishment of numerous Islamic institutions such as the Islamic Bank ofMalaysia and the International Islamic University, Malaysia (IIUM) in1983. Although many see these developments as being merely politicallymotivated to counter the influence of PAS, it is without doubt that Dr.Mohamed was quite consistent with his earlier Views which he expressedin The Malay Dilemma. In his book he described Islam as the “greatestsingle influence on Malay value concepts and ethical codes,” thus beinga positive factor to develop the Malays ...


Author(s):  
Emily E. LB. Twarog

In 1973, housewives in California launched what would be the last meat boycott of the twentieth century. And, like its predecessors, the 1973 boycott gained national momentum albeit with little political traction now that Peterson had left public life for a job in the private sector as the consumer advisor to the Giant grocery store chain. And in some quarters of the labor movement, activists drew very clear links between the family economy and the stagnation plaguing workers’ wages. The 1973 boycott led to the founding of the National Consumers Congress, a national organization intended to unite consumer organizers. While it was a short-lived organization, it demonstrates the momentum that consumer activism was building. This chapter also reflects on the lost coordinating opportunity between housewives organizing around consumer issues and the women’s movement in the 1970s.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1967 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 471-472
Author(s):  
T. BERRY BRAZELTON

In the past 2 years a new national organization, called the American Association for Child Care in Hospitals, has evolved. This organization was initiated by the six "play ladies" who are in charge of the children's hospital programs in Baltimore, Boston, Cleveland, Montreal, Philadelphia, and Pittsburgh. Two years ago, the Children's Hospital Medical Center (CHMC) in Boston was host to 50 participants from these institutions to found the organization. This initial meeting was abetted by the CHMC's concern for total patient care and was made possible by the backing of the administration and the pediatric and psychiatric departments.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-251
Author(s):  
Boo Teik Khoo

AbstractMalaysian politics has been turbulent over the past two decades, as seen in the damaged tradition of leadership transition, non-violent revolts against successive regimes, and unstable realignments of opposing forces. Two startling symptoms point to disorder. One is the heavy electoral losses and loss of legitimacy suffered by the post-Mahathir regimes. The other is the political re-entry of Anwar Ibrahim and Mahathir Mohamad. The persisting turbulence raises certain questions. Why has the ruling party, the United Malays National Organization, been susceptible to internal fighting, being at once a source of hegemonic stability and systemic instability? Why has the apex of the United Malays National Organization repeatedly jeopardised its traditions of leadership succession? Why has one leader, Mahathir Mohamad, been involved in all the disputes? How did the crisis of the party, not just the regime, become intimately tied to economic crisis? Conventional paradigmatic explanations of Malaysian politics – inter-ethnic rivalry in a plural society, elite solidarity, and regime type (semi-democratic, hybrid, or competitive authoritarian) – are of little help even if ethnicity, elite conduct, and authoritarian rule are relevant. Instead, this essay suggests that the turbulence is part of a long trajectory of oligarchic reconstitution bound to a peculiar nexus of state, ethnicity, and class. The paper does not construct a theory of Malaysian politics. It offers a historically informed exploration of a leitmotif of an unfinished project that runs through much of the past 20 years of political conflict and struggle.


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