scholarly journals Alexander Campbell (1822-1892)

2018 ◽  
Vol 105 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Ged Martin
Keyword(s):  
Public Life ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Private Life ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
Accidental Death ◽  
Alexander Campbell ◽  
Archival Record ◽  
The Veil

Although he was a father of Confederation, Alexander Campbell (1822-1892) is generally overshadowed by John A. Macdonald, whose law partner he was from 1843 to 1849, and whom he served for the first twenty years of the Dominion as Conservative party leader in the Senate, before retiring to become Lieutenant-Governor of Ontario in 1887. In fact, Campbell’s participation in public life was an achievement, since he suffered from impairment of mobility and was also subject to epileptic attacks. His marriage in England in 1855 to Frederica Sandwith broke up when she returned to Europe in 1871. She was later certified as insane and spent several years in asylums. Victorian reticence generally prevented open allusion to the difficulties of Campbell’s private life. The accidental death by shooting of his younger son in 1886, initially interpreted as suicide, prompted a few journalists to lift the veil and provide clues which this article traces back into the sparse archival record.

UK prime minister will likely remain in power for now

2022 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Culture Wars ◽  
Consumer Confidence ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Public ◽  
Net Zero ◽  
The Eu

Significance As many as a dozen lockdown parties are now alleged to have been held at Downing Street, significantly damaging Johnson’s support among the public and his Conservative Party. His position as party leader and prime minister is gravely threatened. Impacts Johnson’s domestic troubles, coupled with rising economic concerns, increase the chance of an agreement with the EU over Northern Ireland. Disillusionment with Johnson, opposition to net-zero and culture wars open the door for Nigel Farage’s Reform Party to revive its appeal. Rising inflation threatens to undermine consumer confidence and slow the economic recovery over the coming year.

A Tale of Two Nationalisms: Scottish Nationalism and Unionism in the Age of Disruption

2020 ◽  
pp. 182-192
Author(s):  
Gerry Hassan
Keyword(s):  
Conservative Party ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
Future Prospects ◽  
Scottish Politics

Scottish nationalism and Scottish Tory unionism are generally accepted as two irreconcilable forces. This chapter by Gerry Hassan argues that while this might be how both movements wish to see themselves, the reality is more nuanced. It argues that for much of Scotland’s existence as part of the Union, these supposedly opposing forces have actually coalesced in what has been called ‘unionist-nationalism’, a politics of autonomy and distinctiveness within the union. Hassan’s chapter further explores the limitations of this bifurcation of Scottish politics, as well as the shortcomings of the politics it articulates in the context of Ruth Davidson’s eight-year tenure as Scottish Conservative Party leader. It assesses how her leadership was perceived in this framework and what the party’s future prospects might be.

An end to promises? 1964–1979

2021 ◽  
pp. 119-154
Author(s):  
David Thackeray ◽  
Richard Toye
Keyword(s):  
Crisis Management ◽  
Public Spending ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
New Right ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
State Expansion ◽  
Margaret Thatcher ◽  
Poor Outcomes

While the 1964 election marked a high point in confidence in state-led modernization, by the 1970s there was a widespread loss of faith in the ability of governments to deliver on their promises. Long-term planning was replaced by short-term crisis management. The Scottish and Welsh nationalists and the Liberal Party created the authority of the Westminster duopoly, reinvigorating the local campaign with their ‘pavement politics’. However, the New Right was the main beneficiary of this crisis. As Conservative Party leader from 1975, Margaret Thatcher believed that politics had been debased by parties competing for power by making promises of state expansion and greater public spending which were unrealistic and led to poor outcomes. Thatcher based the Conservatives’ 1979 manifesto around a small number of pledges, reviving the anti-promise rhetoric which had been key to Baldwin’s appeal in the 1920s and 1930s.

A Downward Spiral?: Combating Paranoia

Paranoia ◽  
2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Freeman ◽  
Jason Freeman
Keyword(s):  
Inner City ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
Front Page ◽  
The Sun ◽  
David Cameron ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Social Breakdown ◽  
Murder Victims ◽  
Downward Spiral

This cri de coeur appeared on the front page of the Sun, Britain’s top-selling newspaper, on 21 January 2008. The previous week had seen the conviction of the killers of 47-year-old Garry Newlove. Late on the night of 10 August 2007, Newlove had heard noises outside his home in Warrington, a Lancashire town previously best-remembered for being the unlikely target of two IRA bombs in 1993. He confronted a gang of drunken teenagers, who promptly punched and kicked him to death. The outraged lament on the Sun’s front page was in fact quoted from a letter to the paper from one Dr Stuart Newton, a former head teacher. And forming a melancholy border around his words were the faces of fifteen high-profile murder victims. The message was unmistakable, conveyed with the newspaper’s usual clarity: the country is going to the dogs; the streets are not safe for respectable folk to walk; our youth is out of control. ‘In parts of our country there is social breakdown. Society stops at the front door of our house and the streets have been lost and we’ve got to reclaim them’, agreed Conservative Party leader David Cameron. And the Home Secretary, Jacqui Smith, confessed that she felt uncomfortable walking in London after dark (her words, explained an official, ‘hadn’t come out as she had intended’ and, by way of proof, Ms Smith had recently gone so far as to purchase a kebab on the inner-city streets of Peckham). But where, you might wonder, is the news in all this? The reference to ‘feral youths’ is distinctively contemporary (rampaging teenagers being, as it were, one of the foul flavours of our day). But has there ever been a time when newspapers—and perhaps indeed the rest of us too—haven’t been decrying the ‘downward spiral of Britain’? The fact that one of the faces staring out from the Sun’s front page is that of Stephen Lawrence, stabbed to death in a racist attack in south London in April 1993—fifteen years ago—can be read as a discreet allusion to the timelessness of this nostalgia for a better, safer world.

G-Level Open Space - a Case Study of NFHY Community in Chong Qing

2011 ◽  
Vol 255-260 ◽  
pp. 1353-1357
Author(s):  
Xu Jia Li ◽  
Zhi Yong Deng ◽  
Ye Zhang
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Open Space ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Private Life ◽  
Community Life ◽  
Interior Space ◽  
Building Regulations ◽  
Southeast China ◽  
The Government

G-level open space is an effective way to create more open space for public congregation and community life in densely populated cities like Chong Qing, and compact neighborhoods like NFHY. One prototype for modern G-level open space of NFHY was the traditional housing in southeast China; the other was the worldwide modern architectural movement, especially Le Corbusie’s work. Compared to other kinds of open space, G-level open space is distinctive in its dualism; it has the qualities of both interior space and public space. Findings in NFHY show that, with it peculiar space quality, G-level open space integrated private life and public life, making the space more attractive to the residents, especially seniors and children. In order to encourage the developers to incorporate more of this kind of open space in their projects, the government needs to make some compromise on building regulations.

Oedipus and Socrates on the Quest for Self-Knowledge

2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-43
Author(s):  
Ann Ward
Keyword(s):  
Human Life ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Private Life ◽  
The Other ◽  
Worth Living ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Family ◽  
Self Knowledge

This article explores how Sophocles’ Oedipus the King and Plato’s Apology of Socrates address the question of whether reason can ground the good human life. Sophocles’ tragedy and Plato’s dialogue both tell of the search for rational self-knowledge. Both Oedipus and Socrates are recognized for human wisdom and are presented as skeptical toward the gods. Yet, whereas Oedipus’ life ends in tragedy, Socrates’ life does not. Sophocles thus suggests that the rational search for truth must be limited by a pious respect for the gods. Plato, on the other hand, preserves Socrates’ belief that the ‘unexamined life is not worth living for a human being’. Four lines of inquiry into the causes of this divergence are then explored: 1) Socrates’ order of knowledge from particular to universal, 2) Oedipus’ proneness to anger, 3) Socrates’ private life in contrast to Oedipus’ public life and, 4) the differing status of the family.

Proportional Representation in Sweden

1925 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 582-592 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nils Herlitz
Keyword(s):  
Public Life ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
Lower House ◽  
Universal Suffrage

Fifteen years ago the principle of majority elections became applicable to all phases of public life in Sweden; and along with the movement for democratization there developed the idea of proportional representation. This principle was urged especially by Conservatives, who feared that if elections to Andra Kammaren (the Lower House) should be based upon universal suffrage with the retention of the majority system, the Conservative party would be completely annihilated.

Factionalism Within the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (7) ◽  
pp. 1012-1032 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hawre Hasan Hama
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
Kurdistan Region ◽  
Intense Competition ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
Iraqi Kurdistan ◽  
Overall Functioning

Institutional conflicts within the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) have existed ever since the party’s founding in 1975 as a result of a merger of three different factions. The conflicts were successfully managed in a way that did not hurt the party’s overall functioning until the Gorran movement, led by Nawshirwan Mustafa, split off in 2009. However, it was the withdrawal of party leader Jalal Talabani from political and public life due to a stroke suffered in 2012 that most damaged the party’s ability to function, and widened factional cracks within the organization. The absence of Talabani led to the emergence of intense competition between various groups within the PUK for influence and positions. Consequently, PUK policies on a number of important issues in Iraqi Kurdistan have been indecisive and weak since approximately 2013. This research will discuss the PUK’s inconsistent policies and their negative implications for the Kurdistan Region. Furthermore, it will argue that the PUK’s internal conflicts emboldened its rival, the Kurdistan Democratic Party, between the years 2014 and 2018.

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