Proportional Representation in Sweden

1925 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 582-592 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nils Herlitz
Keyword(s):  
Public Life ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
Lower House ◽  
Universal Suffrage

Fifteen years ago the principle of majority elections became applicable to all phases of public life in Sweden; and along with the movement for democratization there developed the idea of proportional representation. This principle was urged especially by Conservatives, who feared that if elections to Andra Kammaren (the Lower House) should be based upon universal suffrage with the retention of the majority system, the Conservative party would be completely annihilated.

Myanmar in 2014

Asian Survey ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 184-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tin Maung Maung Than
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Direct Investment ◽  
Direct Investment ◽  
High Growth ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
Constitutional Amendment ◽  
Lower House

Myanmar saw some progress in efforts at constitutional amendment and ceasefire negotiations, both pressing issues. Attempts to introduce proportional representation failed in the lower house of Parliament. Critics pointed out stalled reforms. The economy achieved high growth, and foreign direct investment increased. Myanmar reveled in its role as ASEAN chair and host for President Obama’s visit.

The Issue of Parliamentary Suffrage at the Frankfurt National Assembly

1972 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol Rose
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Constitutional Convention ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Political World ◽  
Lower House ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right ◽  
Electoral Law

Universal suffrage is a commonplace in today's political world. In modern Western states it seems self-explanatory that there should be a general right to vote, or at least the pretense of such a right; and it is rather the exception to universal suffrage that requires explanation—at best as a quaint local peculiarity, at worst as a sign of pigheadedness or paranoia. In our era of bland populism, it is easy to forget the nineteenth century's passion over suffrage matters. But passion there was: from the sanscullottes of the 1790's to the suffragettes of the 1910's, no decade of the nineteenth century, no part of the Atlantic world was entirely free from this all-important question. Indeed suffrage issues erupted regularly whenever and wherever internal political tensions ran highest. Anti-Bourbon agitation in Restoration France, Chartist demands in England, Negro emancipation in the United States, demands for reform of Bismarckian Germany's Prussian heartland—these issues spanned the century, and they all contained at least some taint of the suffrage question. The European revolutions of 1848–49 came roughly at the mid-point of this century-long suffrage debate, and these revolutions too raised in various ways the issue of the right to vote. And one of the most interesting discussions of the franchise question came in February and March of 1849, when Germany's abortive constitutional convention, the Frankfurt National Assembly, turned its attention to an Electoral Law for the lower house of the projected national representative body.

De Vlaamse beweging

Res Publica ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-566
Author(s):  
Lode Wils
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
The People ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Democratic Character ◽  
Napoleon Iii ◽  
Revolution Of 1848 ◽  
The Church

The Flemish Movement was born out of the democratic and especially, the national enthusiasm of the Belgian revolution of 1830. lts purpose was the recovery of the people language in public life (pp. 1-3).  Till the defeat of France in the France-German war of 1870-1871 she wanted to protect Belgium from annexation by France. The revolution of 1848 in Europe and the threat of Belgium by «the dictator» Napoleon III, reinforced its democratic character and connected it with the movement for enlargement of the voting-right, for decentralization and anti-militarism. Therefore she was supported also from the Walloon patriots and democrats, especially out of the catholic party (pp. 8-11).From 1847 onwards its morale and politics which were close to the church opinion ( pp. 4 and 6), were openly tempted by a group for whom the Flemish Movement had to have a liberal character (pp. 5 and 7). In that group, most of them rejected the enlargement of votingright because it would be in the interest of the catholics (pp. 12-13), and they condamned the cooperation of some liberals with the Flemish minded catholics (pp. 13-15). The introduction of the universal suffrage in 1893 led to a reinforced Flamingant agitation (p. 18).She was backed upon the christian-democrat peasant- and labour movement, but did get little response in the socialist party. The interest for political action in the Flemish Movement stayed weak (pp. 17-21).

The Struggle for Electoral Reform in France

1951 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 741-755 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert G. Neumann
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
Electoral Reform ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Local Organizations ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
Republican Movement ◽  
General Provision ◽  
Principal Unit

The French Constitution does not regulate the precise mode of election to its principal legislative chamber, the National Assembly, beyond stipulating (Art. 3) that it shall be elected on a territorial basis through direct and universal suffrage. This general provision was until recently implemented by a law which established a proportional list system based in general on the principal unit of French local government, the département.The Assembly which enacted these electoral laws was completely dominated by the three big parties of the Left, the Communists, the Socialists, and the Popular Republican Movement (MRP). These groups favored proportional representation for a variety of reasons. First of all, devotion to proportionalism was part and parcel of left doctrine—an important point in a country in which political battles are carried out to a very large extent on the plane of ideas and doctrines. The Communists thought that PR would assure them a large representation in the dominant branch of goverment, i.e., the Assembly, while the MRP, an essentially new party without local organizations and experience with precinct work, considered it more favorable to its interests than a system in which its largely unknown candidates would have been hard-pressed in a struggle of personalities against older, and therefore better-known, men of such traditional parties as, for instance, the Radicals.

Council of Europe: European Political Community

1955 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-302
Keyword(s):  
Ad Hoc ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Legal Questions ◽  
European Court ◽  
Lower House ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Draft Statute ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Foreign Ministers

Deputies of the foreign ministers of the ECSC members met in Rome from September 22 through October 9, 1953, to examine in detail a draft statute for a European political community prepared by the Ad Hoc Assembly and submitted to the ECSC ministers on March 10, 1953. A meeting of the foreign ministers, originally scheduled to begin on October 22, 1953, opened in the Hague on November 26 under the chairmanship of Joseph Back (Luxembourg). At the conclusion of the meeting on November 28, the ministers issued a communique outlining their decisions. The ministers approved sections of the report of the deputies on their Rome meeting on institutional and economic matters on which unanimous agreement had been reached. An assembly was to be created as the lower house of the community representing the peoples of the community; an upper house representing states was also to be created. While it had been agreed that the lower house would be elected by direct universal suffrage, the methods had not yet been determined. The ministers exchanged views on the organization and powers of the executive branch of the proposed community but reached no decisions. The principle of the creation of a single European court was approved and a committee of jurists established to consider further legal questions involved in the creation of a political community. The ministers also agreed that the community would include, in ways yet to be determined, the European Coal and Steel Community and the European Defense Community. The ministers appointed a committeee to continue discussion of the political community and begin drafting the text of a treaty; it was to report to the ministers at a meeting in Brussels on March 30, 1954.

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