scholarly journals Not Guilty, but Guilty

2018 ◽  
Vol 106 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-190
Author(s):  
Rebecca Beausaert

In 1882, an accused, elderly African-Canadian woman—a former slave and known midwife, healer, and abortionist in the town of Woodstock, Ontario—was implicated in the death of a younger White woman, allegedly from a botched abortion. The article focuses on the ways the accused was viewed by the local media, specifically references to her race, age, and “suspect” knowledge of medical practices. Tried in a court of law and found not guilty, the press nevertheless declared themselves “morally certain” of her guilt and attempted to sway public opinion in a way that brought race to the forefront. The trial and its aftermath raise a number of important questions regarding socially-constructed configurations of race, gender, justice, rumour, and respectability in a nineteenth-century Ontario town chiefly populated by Anglo-Celtic Protestants.

2020 ◽  
Vol 135 (572) ◽  
pp. 94-126
Author(s):  
William Mulligan

Abstract The decision of Gladstone’s government to invade and occupy Egypt in 1882 remains one of the most contentious in late nineteenth-century British political and imperial history. This article examines the decision-making process in June and July 1882, revisiting Robinson and Gallagher’s influential study in the light of more recent historiographical research and previously unused sources. It looks at who made the critical decisions, what their preoccupations were, and how they were able to get Cabinet approval. Hartington and Northbrook were the two key figures, who co-operated to overturn Gladstone’s and Granville’s policy in June 1882. Yet their co-operation was momentary and they found themselves on different sides of the argument over the participation of Indian forces and international support. Although they shared a sense of Egypt’s importance to British imperial security, they each had a distinctive approach, so that the decision to occupy cannot be reduced to a conflict between Whig pragmatists and Radical idealists. The article also shows how the Alexandria riot on 11 June altered the context of decision-making by shifting the mood in the parliamentary Liberal party towards intervention. Parliament, not the press, was the crucial site of ‘public opinion’ in the Egyptian crisis in June and July 1882.


Slavic Review ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-57
Author(s):  
Louise Mcreynolds

At the close of the nineteenth century, the tsarist government faced an increasingly restive reading public, well-informed on a variety of issues through the proliferation of mass-circulation newspapers. A punitive censorship served as the basis for the autocracy's policies toward the press, but by 1900 it had long outgrown the requirements for dealing with a society undergoing modernization. As public opinion tacitly began to be recognized as a factor in national development, some officials realized that they must adapt to the changing journalistic demands of Russia's readers. Hoping to gain public support for the government, they knew that the prohibition of certain controversial topics would not generate the backing they sought. Following the example of successful commercial publishers, they argued that the government should take an active lead in supplying news.


Journalism ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (8) ◽  
pp. 1070-1086 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shannon C McGregor

Public opinion, as necessary a concept it is to the underpinnings of democracy, is a socially constructed representation of the public that is forged by the methods and data from which it is derived, as well as how it is understood by those tasked with evaluating and utilizing it. I examine how social media manifests as public opinion in the news and how these practices shape journalistic routines. I draw from a content analysis of news stories about the 2016 US election, as well as interviews with journalists, to shed light on evolving practices that inform the use of social media to represent public opinion. I find that despite social media users not reflecting the electorate, the press reported online sentiments and trends as a form of public opinion that services the horserace narrative and complements survey polling and vox populi quotes. These practices are woven into professional routines – journalists looked to social media to reflect public opinion, especially in the wake of media events like debates. Journalists worried about an overreliance on social media to inform coverage, especially Dataminr alerts and journalists’ own highly curated Twitter feeds. Hybrid flows of information between journalists, campaigns, and social media companies inform conceptions of public opinion.


Author(s):  
Henrihs Soms

The battles near Daugavpils had an important role during the war for Latvia’s independence. Since 1918, the Soviet literature predominantly offered a version about Daugavpils as “Red Verdun” which had fought defence battles (for 129 days) against “the joint forces of Polish and Latvian white guards”. Objectively evaluating the historic events, the primary sources – Latvian press publications play an essential role. In this article, the materials from seven press editions have been employed. Regarding the press development, a new feature was the foundation of the Latvian Press Bureau (LPB) in March, 1919, and later – of Latvian Telegraph Agency (LETA). The task of the bureau was to inform the world’s news agencies and local media about the events happening in the territory of Latvia. The Soviet literature does not mention anything about the Red Terror which was carried out by so called commissioners for maintaining the order. On March 28, 98 people were shot dead near Daugavpils Fortress. This was the bloodiest crime committed by the Bolsheviks during the time of P. Stuchka’s Soviet government. These crimes became known to the wider society from the publications in the press only after Daugavpils was set free. The fight for Daugavpils took place in three phases: fights on the left bank of the river Daugava, capturing the outskirts of the town (August, 1919); the use of French tanks, Polish and Bolshevik armoured train, capturing the fortress bridgehead (September, 1919); Daugavpils occupation by Polish army and arrival of Latvian army (January 3, 1920). The press regularly published reports from the General Headquarters of Latvian, Lithuanian and Polish armies. When Daugavpils was set free, there were special correspondents of several newspapers who informed about the situation in the town. Though maintaining a lively interest in the events taking place in Daugavpils, in some cases the newspapers published unverified and false information, then trying to correct it or call it off.


Author(s):  
David Fisher

At the end of the Nineteenth century William Ramsay, searching for minerals that might concentrate argon or helium, wrote, “One mineral—malacone—gave appreciable quantities of argon; and it is noteworthy that argon was not found except in it (and, curiously, in much larger amount than helium), and in a specimen of meteoric iron. Other specimens of meteoric iron were examined, but were found to contain mainly hydrogen, with no trace of either argon or helium. It is probable that the sources of meteorites might be traced in this manner, and that each could be relegated to its particular swarm.” Finally, sixty years later, this is what Ollie Schaeffer and I now set out to do. Meteoritic iron has been used since prehistoric times: necklaces of the metal beads interlaced with gold are found in the tombs of Egyptian kings, and an inventory of a Hittite temple, describing where on earth their gold and silver came from, lists their iron as having “fallen from the sky.” Yet as late as the early nineteenth century, the reality of meteorites still was not accepted by men of good will. For after all, how could heavy stones and chunks of iron fall out of the sky? And then in 1803 a huge shower of meteorites fell at L’Aigle, France, just at the time that the French Academy of Sciences had convened a meeting to discuss the question. In America no one paid much attention, until on December 14, 1807, at 6:30 in the morning, a bright fireball suddenly blazed through the sky over Vermont and Massachusetts. It was reportedly nearly as bright and big as the moon, until it suddenly exploded and disappeared over the town of Weston, Connecticut, showering the area with stone fragments, as the local media reported. In those days it took a while for the news to travel a few tens of miles, and so it was a few days before Yale’s new professor of chymistry (sic) and natural history, Benjamin Silliman, heard of it. Grabbing his hat and a colleague, Professor James L. Kingsley, he galloped across the state to Weston.


Author(s):  
Volodymyr Poltorak

The political and literary activity of Mykhailo Czajkowski (Sadyk Pasha) was full of many riddles and taunts. The last updates and publications of documents shed light on most of them. The circumstances of the death of a prominent Ukrainian politician still unclear, as there are too many myths and rumors about what actually happened on the night of January 5 (January 17 in the new style) in the Czajkowski estate in Chernigov gubernia. Based on the new data found, in particular – on the metric records of the deaths of Adam Morozovych and Mykhailo Czajkowski, this article rejects outright nonsense and falsifications, which immediately after the death of General reached the press, and from there – to public opinion. The question of the probability of the version of the suicide of a retired Turkish General and a man who first created the concept of the Ukrainian state in the nineteenth century, author is answered negatively.


1987 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 537-571 ◽  

Owain Westmacott Richards was born on 31 December 1901 in Croydon, the second son of Harold Meredith Richards, M.D., and Mary Cecilia Richards ( née Todd). At the time H. M. Richards was Medical Officer of Health for Croydon, a post he held until 1912 when he returned to the town of his birth, Cardiff, as Deputy Chairman of the newly formed Welsh Insurance Commission, the forerunner of the Welsh Board of Health. Owain Richards’s grandfather had a hatter’s business in Cardiff, which had been established by his father, who had migrated to Cardiff from Llanstephan in Carmarthenshire (now Dyfed). This great-grandfather was probably the last Welsh-speaking member of the family; his son discouraged the use of Welsh as ‘unprogressive’ and married a non-Welsh speaking girl from Haverfordwest. Harold Richards, being the youngest son, did not inherit the family business. On leaving school he worked for some years in a shipping firm belonging to a relative. He found this uncongenial and in his late twenties, having decided to become a doctor, he attended classes at the newly founded University College at Cardiff. Passing the Intermediate Examination he entered University College London, qualifying in 1891, taking his M.D. and gaining gold medals in 1892 and 1893. He was elected a Fellow of University College London in 1898. As medical practices had, at that time, either to be purchased or inherited, Harold Richards took a salaried post as Medical Officer of Health for Chesterfield and Dronfield (Derbyshire), soon moving to Croydon. After his work at Cardiff, he transferred, in 1920, to the Ministry of Health in London, responsible for the medical and hospital aspects of the Local Government Act, 1929 (Anon. 1943 a, b ). He retired in 1930 and died in 1943. His obituaries recorded that he was ‘excessively shy and modest’, that he always ‘overworked’ and had markedly high standards (Anon. 1943 a, b ). Such comments would be equally true of Owain.


1996 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-146
Author(s):  
Jaroslaw Komorowski

The first phase of a long and complex process of the Polish reception of William Shakespeare's oeuvre ended in the middle of the nineteenth century with the popularization of new translations and the gradual elimination of French and German classicist adaptations. Vilna, vital centre of Polish culture, science and art, was the birthplace of Polish Romanticism and a hotbed of theatrical innovation. Vilna was also, at the turn of the eighteenth century, the capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and one of the major cities of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The school stage of Vilna Academy, established by Stefan Batory in 1578, had been active since 1582. In 1639, English actors belonging to Robert Archer's company may have visited the town; though the performances planned by King Wladyslaw IV did not take place. A permanent professional theatre was opened in 1785, when Wojciech Boguslawski, the greatest personality of the theatre of the Polish Enlightenment, came up from Warsaw with his troupe.


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