Rebel Parties in African Post-Conflict Elections

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nora Schrader-Rashidkhan

In many post-conflict countries around the globe, former rebel groups participate in elections as newly formed political parties (‘rebel parties’). This study deals with rebel party development in Africa and asks to what extent institutional context factors influence electoral participation and success in this region. It develops a new framework for systematic data collection on all African cases since 1989 and a comparative analysis of rebel parties using several fsQCAs (fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis). Its findings show that institutions such as peace agreements strongly influence opportunity structures for rebel parties, which culminate in path dependencies, and that more democratic settings hamper rebel party formation and their success in many cases.

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 31-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jasmin Hasić

How are diaspora involvement in peacebuilding and elite cooperation in multi-ethnic municipalities complementary? This article examines how local elites perceive and respond to conflict-generated diaspora's role in peacebuilding in nine post-conflict multi-ethnic municipalities of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and whether these perceptions can determine types of inter-ethnic cooperation within local institutions. Using a systematic comparative case study analysis utilising ideal-type fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), I derive four types of relationships. The results indicate that local elites, experiencing various levels of direct and indirect interaction with diaspora communities, perceive diaspora's role in the process as constraining their own cooperation prospects. The analysis also demonstrates that local elites perceive diaspora as insufficiently competent and imperfectly coordinated to tackle major challenges in local peacebuilding frameworks and that diaspora actions do not significantly affect the reform of current dynamics and practices of intra-ethnic cooperation among elites.


2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (04) ◽  
pp. 527-549
Author(s):  
Nina Caspersen

AbstractJustice and peace are commonly seen as mutually reinforcing, and key international peacebuilding documents stress the importance of human rights. Is this apparent normative shift reflected in post-Cold War peace agreements? The existing literature is divided on this issue but has crucially treated both conflicts and peace agreements as aggregate categories. This article argues that the conflict type and the agreement's ‘core deal’ impact on the inclusion, or exclusion, of human rights provisions. Based on new coding of the 29 comprehensive agreements signed between 1990 and 2010, it compares agreements signed in territorial and non-territorial conflicts, and agreements with and without territorial autonomy. Qualitative Comparative Analysis is used to examine the different combinations of conditions that led to the inclusion of human rights. The analysis finds that agreements signed in territorial conflicts are significantly less likely to include effective human rights provisions, especially if the settlement includes territorial autonomy. Moreover, such provisions tend to be the result of high levels of international involvement, and the consequent lack of local commitment, or outright resistance, undermines their implementation. These findings point to important trade-offs between group rights and individual rights, and qualifies the notion of a liberal peace.


2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 93-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aila M. Matanock

Why does fighting recur following some civil conflict peace settlements, but not others? What kind of agreements are associated with more enduring peace? Post-conflict elections can often complicate and even undermine peace agreements. Agreements that contain “electoral participation provisions,” however, may help stabilize settlements and produce more enduring peace. Electoral participation provisions mandate that rebel groups be allowed to compete alongside the government in post-conflict elections. Such provisions encourage external actors, such as intergovernmental organizations and foreign donors, to become engaged in post-conflict elections. As part of this engagement, they can provide incentives to the parties to adhere to the terms of the settlement, as well as detect and sanction instances of noncompliance. New cross-national data suggest that conflict after peace settlements recurs less often when electoral participation provisions are included than when they are not. The data also suggest that this pacifying relationship holds when combatants expect international engagement.


Author(s):  
Celeste L. Arrington

Since the 1990s, South Koreans have gained better access to the courts as a channel for pursuing social and policy change. In particular, Koreans with disabilities began using the courts to challenge discrimination, enforce their rights, and influence policymaking. Through qualitative comparative analysis of recent legal mobilization by Koreans with disabilities, this chapter investigates factors that influence when and why people mobilize the law. Drawing on sociolegal and social movement theories, it shows that explanations focused on evolving legal opportunity structures – encompassing procedural rules, statutes, and legal interpretations – can only partly explain changing patterns in legal mobilization. Explanations should also consider the ‘support structures’ for legal mobilization: lawyers, advocacy organizations, and funding.


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