scholarly journals Missing inflectional features and missing exponents in DP-internal agreement asymmetries

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eulàlia Bonet
2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 441-480 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janne Bondi Johannessen ◽  
Ida Larsson

Previous studies on gender in Scandinavian heritage languages in America have looked at noun-phrase internal agreement. It has been shown that some heritage speakers have non-target gender agreement, but this has been interpreted in different ways by different researchers. This paper presents a study of pronominal gender in Heritage Norwegian and Swedish, using existing recordings and a small experiment that elicits pronouns. It is shown that the use of pronominal forms is largely target-like, and that the heritage speakers make gender distinctions. There is, however, some evidence of two competing systems in the data, and there is a shift towards a two-gender system, arguably due to koinéization.


2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-47
Author(s):  
PAUL ROWLETT

ABSTRACTThis article focuses on the behaviour of negation and clitics in the context of French imperatives. Standard descriptions contrast positive Fais-le ! (with enclisis) with negative (Ne) le fais pas ! (with proclisis). I adopt a view of imperatives in terms of a pragmatic irrealis mood feature associated with Rizzi's (1997) exploded CP and defective/impoverished morphology which allows inflection and irrealis mood features to be checked on a single functional head. Thus, positive imperatives can check all their grammatical features before merger of any clitics, which (following Shlonsky, 2004) will therefore be enclitic. The presence of negation, when realised as a grammatical feature on an (overt or null) functional head within the clausal trunk, prevents this from happening because negation intervenes between the relevant inflection and mood features in the universal hierarchy underlying the Rizzi/Cinque exploded CP/IP. Outside cliticisation contexts, the difference has no surface impact: Viens ! vs. (Ne) viens pas ! In cliticisation contexts, in contrast, there is a surface difference: negative imperatives cannot check all their inflectional features at the point at which clitics are merged, and clitics will not therefore be enclitic. Regionally/stylistically marked forms like Fais-le pas !, in which proclisis and negation co-occur, must be deemed to have a radically different structure, with no negative feature projected within the inflectional domain. Such forms are argued to be a natural (and therefore expected) innovation within Jespersen's cycle of diachronic development.


1959 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 428-433
Author(s):  
Fred G. Hewitt ◽  
Robert L. Anthony

Abstract The fractional increase in volume accompanying the isothermal extension of soft gum rubber was measured for four rubber samples at mean extensions of 14, 33, and 51%. The chain molecular weights Mc of the four samples were 5500, 5100, 4400, and 3000, with an estimated uncertainty of about 10% in each value of Mc. The observed fractional increase in volume ranged from 3.2×10−5 to 142×10−5, the latter value being observed for the sample of lowest chain molecular weight and at the extension of 51%. The experimental results for each sample have been represented by theoretical curves based on Gee's expression for the fractional increase in volume as a function of the sample extension. The theoretical curves exhibit good agreement with those of Gee, Stern, and Treloar. The process of fitting the theoretical curves to the experimental points constituted a determination of Young's modulus E for each rubber specimen. As a check on the experimental results, and also on the theory employed, determinations of E were also made by two additional methods, namely, from rough stess-strain curves, and from the relation E=3γρRT/Mc. With one exception, the internal agreement between the three determinations of E for the four different samples was satisfactory. The exception noted can probably be ascribed to the use of too small a value of Mc for the sample of lowest chain molecular weight.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2012 ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlotte Curtis ◽  
Richard Frayne ◽  
Elise Fear

Consideration of information from multiple modalities has been shown to have increased diagnostic power in breast imaging. As a result, new techniques such as microwave imaging continue to be developed. Interpreting these novel image modalities is a challenge, requiring comparison to established techniques such as the gold standard X-ray mammography. However, due to the highly deformable nature of breast tissues, comparison of 3D and 2D modalities is a challenge. To enable this comparison, a registration technique was developed to map features from 2D mammograms to locations in the 3D image space. This technique was developed and tested using magnetic resonance (MR) images as a reference 3D modality, as MR breast imaging is an established technique in clinical practice. The algorithm was validated using a numerical phantom then successfully tested on twenty-four image pairs. Dice's coefficient was used to measure the external goodness of fit, resulting in an excellent overall average of 0.94. Internal agreement was evaluated by examining internal features in consultation with a radiologist, and subjective assessment concludes that reasonable alignment was achieved.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 292-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. A. Coome ◽  
A. E. Goeta ◽  
J. A. K. Howard ◽  
M. R. Probert

X-ray diffraction experiments at very low temperatures require samples to be isolated from atmospheric conditions and held under vacuum. These conditions are usually maintainedviathe use of beryllium chambers, which also scatter X-rays, causing unwanted contamination of the sample's diffraction pattern. The removal of this contamination requires novel data-collection and processing procedures to be employed. Herein a new approach is described, which utilizes the differences in origin of scattering vectors from the sample and the beryllium to eliminate non-sample scattering. The programMasqueradehas been written to remove contaminated regions of the diffraction data from the processing programs. Coupled with experiments at different detector distances, it allows for the acquisition of decontaminated data. Studies of several single crystals have shown that this approach increases data quality, highlighted by the improvement in internal agreement factor with the test case of cytidine presented herein.


Author(s):  
Berthold Crysmann

The morphosyntactic status of Polish past tense agreement markers has been a matter of considerable debate in recent years (Spencer 1991, Borsley & Rivero 1994, Borsley 1999, Bański 2000, Kupść 2000, Kupść & Tseng 2005). Past tense agreement is expressed by a set of bound forms that either attach to the past participle, or else float off to a host further to the left. Despite this relative freedom of attachment, it is often noted in the literature, e.g., Borsley 1999, Kupść & Tseng 2005, that the combination of verbal host and agreement marker forms a word-like unit. In this paper I will argue that these agreement markers are best analysed as affixes uniformly introduced on the verb whose inflectional features they realise. Building on the linearisation-based theory of morphology-syntax interaction proposed in Crysmann 2003, syntactic mobility of morphologically introduced material will be captured by mapping phonological contributions to multiple lexically introduced domain objects. It will be shown that this is sufficient to capture the relevant data, and connect the placement of floating affixes to the general treatment of Polish word order Kupść 2000.


2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 278-307
Author(s):  
Bjarne Simmelkjær Sandgaard Hansen

Abstract The Scanian dialect of Middle Danish underwent a range of changes and reductions in its case system. I argue that these changes were caused neither by phonological developments nor by language contact as often assumed, but by multiple processes of grammaticalisation. The present paper focuses on one of these factors: that the relatively predictable constituent order within the Middle Danish noun phrase made case marking redundant in its function of marking noun-phrase internal agreement between head and modifier(s). This redundancy caused the case system to undergo a regrammation where the indexical sign relations changed so that the expression of morphological case no longer indicated this noun-phrase-internal agreement, leaving only topology (as well as morphologically marked number and gender agreement) as markers of this type of agreement. This factor contributed to the subsequent degrammation of the entire case system.


Author(s):  
Boris A. Musukov

The article is devoted to a comprehensive study of the lexico-semantic, derivational, word-composition, inflectional features of the attributive component of descriptive phrases, the indicator of variegated color designation, the term-forming unit of the word ala «potty, spotted, piebald» (about the color of animals) (Bashkir); «motley, multicolored, spotted; light» (Karachay-Balkarian) in Bashkir and Karachay-Balkarian languages, participating in the categorization of mixed segments of the lingua-color space. It examines the features of free and lexicalized phrases, idioms of a phraseological type, paired-repeated constructions formed as a result of combining the word «ala» with denotative and abstract nouns, with asemantic analogues that repeat the second syllable of the reference word and are its phonetically modified version without lexical meaning. It examines the distinctive and integrating features of the noted syntactic structures from the point of view of functioning in various language levels and lexicographic interpretation. The article analyzes the features of a selective combination of «double names» with inventory units of morphology in the process of further morphologization of two-syllable attributive-nominal bases, which, depending on the contextual environment, express an adverbial feature and belong to the category of «rolling» words.


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-62
Author(s):  
Daniel Couto-Vale

This article aims at describing how report and taxis were realised in Herodotus’ Histories. For this purpose, I have organised the most frequent grammatical features of clauses in a small corpus in contrastive sets (systems). With this procedure, I have gathered evidence that both temporal nexuses and report status were realised in Ionic Greek by grammatical features of the clause, which preselected inflectional features of the Finite word and grammatical features of the Subject constituent. These grammatical features could be organised in a systemic network that included systems for determining whether clauses initiate or continue temporal sequences; whether the actor of the initiating clause is the same as the one of the continuant; in case of distinct actors, whether the first is more or less topical than the second; and, finally, whether clauses represent reported locutions or not.


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