scholarly journals Educating the English: the role of universities in tackling hate speech and Islamaphobia in post-EU-Referendum Britain

2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-144
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Evenden-Kenyon

Este artículo examinará el rol de las universidades británicas al educar tanto a sus estudiantes como a las comunidades que las rodean sobre el “otro”, usando el multiculturalismo y el Movimiento por la Libertad para combatir la ignorancia hacia “el otro”. Desde que tuvo lugar el referéndum del Brexit en junio de 2016, se han incrementado considerablemente el discurso y los delitos basados en el odio hacia el “otro” en el Reino Unido, tanto a nivel verbal como a través de los medios de comunicación social, por no hablar de las agresiones de carácter físico hacia inmigrantes y minorías étnicas. Los estudios más recientes sobre este fenómeno social indican que este incremento ha sido claramente avivado por las imágenes y el lenguaje exhibidos en los medios de comunicación británicos. Por lo tanto, el objetivo de este artículo es considerar el impacto de los medios de comunicación en la conceptualización del “otro” y explorar qué están haciendo las universidades británicas para enfrentar esta retórica y acciones. Consideraremos prácticas y políticas actuales y las posibles alternativas que las universidades pueden adoptar, así como las políticas que el gobierno podría implantar para contrarrestar tanto la xenofobia en general como la islamofobia en particular a nivel nacional.

2020 ◽  
pp. 203228442097693
Author(s):  
Gavin Robinson

When the idea of this special edition occurred to the team behind the New Journal of European Criminal Law, my first thought was to go back through all of Scott Crosby’s contributions in print as editor-in-chief and see whether a mini-retrospective on the themes and views therein would be worthy of inclusion here – by Scott’s own standards. These notes focus on what gradually became the single biggest concern expressed in Scott’s editorials: the perilous position of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) in a post-Brexit UK – in concreto, the prospect of what he labelled ‘Brexit plus’: a British exit from the ECHR system. I begin with Scott’s views on the European Union (EU) Referendum and the Brexit process. Next comes the great uncertainty currently surrounding the future of Convention rights in the United Kingdom, set against the emphasis placed by the editorials on the instrumental role of the ECHR in fostering peace across the whole of Europe, within and beyond the territory of the EU. In the event that Brexit plus should materialise, writing in the wake of polls showing all-time record support in Scotland for secession from the United Kingdom I close by asking whether Scotland might be able to ‘leave a light on for Strasbourg’.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Hoover ◽  
Mohammad Atari ◽  
Aida Mostafazadeh Davani ◽  
Brendan Kennedy ◽  
Gwenyth Portillo-Wightman ◽  
...  

Acts of hate have been used to silence, terrorize, and erase marginalized social groups throughout history. The rising rates of these behaviors in recent years underscores the importance of developing a better understanding of when, why, and where they occur. In this work, we present a program of research that suggests that acts of hate may often be best understood not just as responses to threat, but also as morally motivated behaviors grounded in people’s moral values and perceptions of moral violations. As evidence for this claim, we present findings from five studies that rely on a combination of natural language processing, spatial modeling, and experimental methods to investigate the relationship between moral values and acts of hate toward marginalized groups. Across these studies, we find consistent evidence that moral values oriented around ingroup preservation are disproportionately evoked in hate speech, predictive of the county-level prevalence of hate groups, and associated with the belief that acts of hate against marginalized groups are justified. Additional analyses suggest that the association between group-oriented moral values and hate acts against marginalized groups can be partly explained by the belief that these groups have done something morally wrong. By accounting for the role of moralization in acts of hate, this work provides a unified framework for understanding hateful behaviors and the events or dynamics that trigger them.


Retos ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
pp. 968-978
Author(s):  
Alcides Flores Paredes ◽  
Yeny Amaru Maquera

La mujer en el fútbol en las últimas décadas ha tenido grandes avances por su práctica deportiva y apoyo familiar, lo que le ha permitido ganar espacio en el fútbol. La investigación asumió el paradigma cualitativo, con diseño etnográfico mediante 31 entrevistas y dos grupos focales, se ha analizado las influencias socioculturales que enfrenta la mujer futbolista en la liga amateur de Puno-Perú. Algunos resultados de esta investigación señalan que existen influencias socioculturales que enfrenta la mujer futbolista y está asociada con las barreras sociales de desigualdad social y provienen de condiciones económicas media y baja, refieren no recibir apoyo por parte de los directivos y medios de comunicación, además reflejan haber recibido actitudes machistas y estigmas por su género y jugar al fútbol, siendo catalogadas como marimachos y que todos estos aspectos no les limita su práctica del fútbol. Se concluye que en la autoidentificación la mujer puneña muestra su propia personalidad, tiene confianza y maneja su propia vida y se resalta el papel de los padres de familia en la iniciación, práctica y permanencia del fútbol femenino.  Abstract. Women in soccer in recent decades have made great strides due to their sports practice and family support, which has allowed them to gain space in soccer. The research assumed the qualitative paradigm, with an ethnographic design through 31 interviews and two focus groups, the sociocultural influences faced by the female soccer player in the amateur league of Puno-Peru have been analyzed. Some results of this research indicate that there are sociocultural influences faced by the female soccer player and is associated with social barriers of social inequality and come from medium and low economic conditions, they refer not receiving support from managers and the media, they also reflect having received macho attitudes and stigmas due to their gender and playing soccer, being classified as tomboys and that all these aspects do not limit their practice of soccer. It is concluded that in self-identification the woman from Puno shows her own personality, has confidence and manages her own life and the role of parents in the initiation, practice and permanence of women's football is highlighted.


Obiter ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanna Botha

In South African Human Rights Commission v Qwelane (hereinafter “Qwelane”) the constitutionality of the threshold test for the hate speech prohibition in section 10(1) of the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act 4 of 2000 (hereinafter the “Equality Act”) was challenged. Although the court had no difficulty in finding that the publication in question fell squarely within the parameters of hate speech, the judgment is both incoherent and flawed. The court’s conjunctive interpretation of the section 10(1) requirements for hate speech also differs from the disjunctive interpretation given to the same provision in Herselman v Geleba (ECD (unreported) 2011-09-01 Case No 231/09 hereinafter “Herselman”) by the Eastern Cape High Court. The consequence is a “fragmented jurisprudence” which impacts on legal certainty, and which is especially dangerous when the legislation in question is critical to the achievement of the constitutional mandate (Daniels v Campbell NO 2004 (5) SA 331 (CC) par 104 hereinafter “Daniels”).This note demonstrates that the Qwelane court misapplied a number of key principles. These include: the court’s mandate in terms of section 39(2) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (hereinafter the “Constitution”); the need to strike an appropriate balance between competing rights in the constitutional framework; the importance of definitional certainty for a hate speech threshold test; the meaning to be ascribed to the terms “hate”, “hurt” and “harm” in the context of hate speech legislation; and the role of international law when interpreting legislation intended to give effect to international obligations.The consequence of these errors for hate speech regulation in South Africa is profound.


2019 ◽  
Vol 96 (3) ◽  
pp. 401-418
Author(s):  
Claudia Bianchi

According to Mitchell Green, speech act theory traditionally idealizes away from crucial aspects of conversational contexts, including those in which the speaker’s social position affects the possibility of her performing certain speech acts. In recent times, asymmetries in communicative situations have become a lively object of study for linguists, philosophers of language and moral philosophers: several scholars view hate speech itself in terms of speech acts, namely acts of subordination (acts establishing or reinforcing unfair hierarchies). The aim of this paper is to address one of the main objections to accounts of hate speech in terms of illocutionary speech acts, that is the Authority Problem. While the social role of the speaker is the focus of several approaches (Langton 2018a, 2018b; Maitra 2012; Kukla 2014; Green 2014, 2017a, 2017b), the social role of the audience has too often been neglected. The author will show that not only must the speaker have a certain kind of standing or social position in order to perform speech acts of subordination, but also the audience must typically have a certain kind of standing or social position in order to either license or object to the speaker’s authority, and her acts of subordination.


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