Monitoring and evaluation of education in Nigeria: challenges and ways forwards

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 63-69
Author(s):  
Ogunode Niyi Jacob ◽  
Adah Samuel ◽  
Wama Pajo ◽  
Audu Elizabeth

The article discusses the challenges preventing effective monitoring and evaluation of education in Nigeria. Secondary data was used to support the points raised in the article. The secondary data were sourced from print material and online publication by recognized institutions and individual author. There are many challenges militating against effective monitoring and evaluation of educational programme in Nigeria. Some of the challenges include; inadequate funding of monitoring and evaluation programmme, inadequate professional monitoring and evaluating officers, poor capacity development of monitoring and evaluating officers, corruptions, insecurity, inadequate monitoring and evaluation tools, political instability and lack of political support. To solve this challenges, this article recommends the following:  the government should provide: adequate funding for monitoring and evaluation programmme, employment of more professional evaluator and monitors, constant capacity development programme for  monitoring and evaluating officers, fight all institution corruption, provide security for Monitoring and Evaluating officers, provide adequate monitoring and evaluation tools, ensure political stability and the political officeholders should support the activities of monitoring and evaluation in the country.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (11) ◽  
pp. 108-113
Author(s):  
ASr Martina Umeora Ssh ◽  
Ogunode Niyi Jacob

The article discussed the problems facing the teacher education in Nigeria. Secondary data was used to support the points raised in the article. The secondary data were sourced from print material and online publication by recognized institutions and individual author. There are many problems facing teachers’ education in Nigeria. Some of the problems include; inadequate funding, inadequate lecturers, inadequate infrastructural facilities, poor supervision, brain-drain, strike actions, poor capacity development lecturers. To solve this challenges, this article recommends: that the government should increase the funding of teacher educational, employment of more lecturers, provision of adequate infrastructural facilities, implementation of agreement with unions, effective staff development programme, effective motivation policy and effective supervision.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Madri S. Jansen van Rensburg ◽  
Caitlin Blaser Mapitsa

Background: This article reflects on the implementation of a diagnostic study carried out to understand the gender responsiveness of the national monitoring and evaluation (M&E) systems of Benin, South Africa and Uganda. Carrying out the study found that the potential for integrating the cross-cutting systems of gender and monitoring and evaluation (M&E) are strong. At the same time, it highlighted a range of challenges intersecting these two areas of work. This article explores these issues, which range from logistical to conceptual.Objectives: This article aims to share reflections from the gender diagnostic study to enable more appropriate capacity building in the field of gender responsiveness in national M&E systems. Developing more sophisticated tools to measure gender responsiveness in complex contexts is critical. A better understanding of how gender and national M&E systems intersect is important to understanding firstly how we can more accurately measure the gender responsiveness of existing systems and secondly how better to engender capacity development initiatives.Method: As part of the Twende Mbele programme, Centre for Learning on Evaluation and Results (CLEAR) commissioned Africa Gender and Development Evaluator’s Network (AGDEN) to coordinate teams of researchers in Benin, Uganda, and South Africa to collaboratively develop the diagnostic tool, and then implement it by conducting a review of key documentation and to interview officials within the government wide monitoring and evaluation systems as well as the national gender machinery in each country.Results: The study found that the gender responsiveness of M&E systems across all three systems was unequal, but more importantly, it is important to do more work on how M&E and gender are conceptualised, to ensure this can be studied in a more meaningful way. To strengthen national monitoring and evaluation systems, gender responsiveness and equity must serve as a foundation for growth. However, intersection M&E with gender is complex, and riddled with gaps in capacity, conceptual differences, and challenges bringing together disparate and complex systems.Conclusion: A stronger understanding of the linkages between M&E and gender is an important starting place for bringing them together holistically.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lusia Handayani ◽  
Munawar K. Nahrawi

<p>Food is the fundamental right of every human being. Communities or nations that are not satisfied with food sufficiency will have the potential to cause economic instability and even to bring down a government. Dependence on rice as a staple food can threaten economic and political stability when food is not adequately covered. One alternative that can be made to avoid the threat is to switch to other carbohydrates-based foods that grow in Indonesia, including sweet potato, cassava, arrowroot, and ganyong. However, those local food variety is still considered as second-class food, due to the persistence to rice-eating culture. Therefore, there is a necessity to create a local food campaign on internet media. The Internet is now growing into a medium capable to reach all kinds of people in a quick and precise manner. This descriptive study uses secondary data such as books and journals related to state defense and food security. The study finds that the use of internet as a medium for local food campaign to the community has not been implemented optimally, both by the government and non-government. In line with the rapid development of the internet and the importance of defending the country in all aspects, local food campaigns through internet media require the participation of all stakeholders.</p><p align="left"> </p><strong>Keywords</strong>: defending of the state, local food campaign, internet


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 14-20
Author(s):  
Shamaila Amir ◽  
Fayyaz Ahmad

The paper attempts to study constitutional development in Pakistan in relation to the political instability or stability of the country. Analysis of the secondary data qualitatively revealed that the country suffered much due to political instability which was a result of the non-development and non-availability of the constitution. As the constitution provides a set of rules for people of a state who agree to live together and it is the basic set of principles through which a state is governed, the newly established state of Pakistan initially adopted the 1935 India Act to run the affairs. The process to frame a fresh constitution started after the transitory of Objectives Resolution in 1949 while Islamic and democratic values were considered as foundations to formulate a constitution for Pakistan. Three constitutions in 1956, 1962, and 1973 were framed in order to maintain political stability and to govern the state. Pakistan in its 72 years of age was governed by 49 Heads of State or Heads of Department including five military dictators (Naz, 2019). Only during the early eleven years, twelve Heads of State or Heads of Departments administered the oath to run the government. Two Prime Ministers were assassinated and one was hanged while two sitting Prime Ministers were declared disqualified by the court. East Pakistan was separated due to political instability and eight times constitutional assemblies were dissolved (Obaidullah, 2020). Several times, the Constitutions were abrogated or suspended and federalism was lacking in the country that also resulted in political instability. It is only since the last decade, political stability is emerging due to prevailing, implementing, development, and intactness of the Constitution.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-218
Author(s):  
Okta Dewi

ABSTRAK  Filipina yang dikenal sebagai negara patriarki diera kolonialisme kini menjadi satu-satunya negara yang yang memiliki tingkat kesetaraan gender tertinggi di Asia. Pengembangan kebijakan pemerintah yang berfokus pada peningkatan kesetaraan gender, menjadikan laki-laki dan perempuan  memiliki akses yang sama terhadap semua sumber daya. Hal ini menimbulkan pertanyaan tentang implementasi gender mainstraiming yang dilihat dari konteks pembangunan di Filipina dalam menegakkan kebijakan kesetaraan gender. Tulisan ini mengelaborasikan bahwa implementasi konsep gender mainstraiming yang mengintegrasikan perspektif gender ke dalam persiapan, perancangan, penerapan, monitoring dan evaluasi kebijakan, peraturan pelaksanaan dan program pembiayaan, sebagai salah satu kunci keberasilan kesetaraan gender di Filipina. Dalam artikel ini, penulis menjabarkan tiga argumen utama keberhasilan kesetaraan gender di Filipina pada tulisan ini: pertama,  diaodpsinya terminologi gender mainstraiming. Kedua, penerapan gender mainstraiming yang dibuktikan dengan dibentuknya beberapa undang-undang peraturan serta program terkait penerapan kesetaraan gender yaitu The Magna Carta of Women (MCW), The Philippine Development Plan for Women (PDPW) 1989-1992, dan The Philippine Plan for Gender-Responsive Development (PPGD) 1995−2025. Ketiga, implementasi gender mainstraiming dibeberapa sektor diantaranya partisipasi ekonomi dan peluang, pencapaian pendidikan, kesehatan dan kelangsungan hidup, dan pemberdayaan politik. Keseiusan dan kesadaran tinggi pemerintah mengenai pentingya kesetaraan gender konteks pembangunan dituangkan dalam perturan serta undang-undang sebagai kunci yang kemudian diimplementasikan disegala kebijakan. Dalam penjabarannya, penulisan ini akan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan bersumber pada data sekunder. Kata Kunci: Kesetaraan gender, perempuan & pembangunan, gender mainstraiming, Filipina ABSTRACT The Philippines, which is known as a patriarchal country in the era of colonialism, is now the only country that has the highest level of gender equality in Asia. Development of government policies that focus on improving gender equality, giving men and women equal access to all resources. This raises questions about the implementation of gender mainstreaming seen from the context of development in the Philippines in enforcing gender equality policies. This paper elaborates that the implementation of the concept of gender mainstreaming which integrates a gender perspective into the preparation, design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies, implementing regulations and financing programs, is one of the keys to the success of gender equality in the Philippines. In this article, the author outlines three main arguments for the success of gender equality in the Philippines in this paper: first, the diodection of the terminology of gender mainstreaming. Second, the implementation of gender mainstaking as evidenced by the formation of several laws and programs related to the implementation of gender equality, namely The Magna Carta of Women (MCW), The Philippine Development Plan for Women (PDPW) 1989-1992, and The Philippine Plan for Gender- Responsive Development (PPGD) 1995-2025. Third, the implementation of gender mainstreaming in several sectors including economic participation and opportunities, educational attainment, health and survival, and political empowerment. The seriousness and high awareness of the government regarding the importance of gender equality in the development context is outlined in regulations and laws as keys which are then implemented in all policies. In the elaboration, this paper will use qualitative research methods sourced from secondary data. Keywords: Gender Equality, women & Development, Gender Mainstraiming, Philippines  


Author(s):  
Michael J. Ahn ◽  
Michael Berardino

The emergence of Web 2.0 introduced a new potential in e-government which empowers citizens to share information and mobilize spontaneously online, and enables citizens to communicate directly with the government and its elected officials while significantly lowering some of the traditional barriers of e-government adoption such as the lack of financial resources and technical expertise in government. This paper examined the pattern of Web 2.0 adoption on state web portals to identify key factors influencing its adoption. The results suggest that while the potential of the new technology is immense, its adoption is constrained by a number of political factors. In particular, the authors find that there is disinclination toward adopting Web 2.0 by incumbent governors while the technology was favored by governors who are newly elected into their office. Moreover, there was disinclination toward the new technology by governors with high approval rating while those with low approval rating sought to adopt them. Our findings point to a perception by governors about Web 2.0 as a powerful and effective instrument of communication but, at the same time, politically risky, creating disincentive to adopt the technology by governors with established political support. There is a “more to lose” mentality about Web 2.0 by political actors with high level of political support while “less to lose” by those with thin political support. This research sketches a picture of Web 2.0 adoption in government where political instability and newcomers facilitates the use of Web 2.0 increasing dialogue and communication with citizens while higher levels of political stability and support reduces the use of Web 2.0, diminishing the channel of communication created by the new technology.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jurnal ARISTO ◽  
Mery Yanti ◽  
Alamsyah

This article designed to examine patronage practice in the 2014 general election in Ogan Ilir district, South Sumatera Province, Indonesia, before and after election in one electoral area (Ogan Ilir 1). We apply Nine Step to Victory (Alamsyah, 2015) framework to achieve this goal. Our key informants are some legislative candidates and their brokerage or winning team at various level. Primary data gathered through depth interview and secondary data collected from the government institution. This data will be analyzed using interactive model (Miles, Huberman, and Saldana, 1994). Drawing on the qualitative approach, we find that, before election day, all candidates in this area practicing vote buying and patronage to get political support from the voters. A form of patronage dominated by club goods, and cash transfer (transport allowance, communication and consumption cost, and vote buying). We do not find incumbency candidate who is practicing fork barrel. After election day, especially when the winner candidates, has been working as a legislator, he has an obligation to continuing patronage through informal and cultural networking (personal or community event). In this various event, he must deliver goods, services, or money to the people (as an individual or group). Our results are strengthening the previous finding that all candidates have begun implementing patronage strategy when they are recruiting the winning team, campaign, and realize vote buying. Family, especially extended family, and friendship is the primary foundation for all candidates to build brokerage (the winning team) structure. All candidates also using “by name by address” strategy to guide vote-buying practice. We discuss this finding, showing limitation and agenda for the research on this topic.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (9) ◽  
pp. 189-197
Author(s):  
Ogunode Niyi Jacob ◽  
Ahaotu Godwin Ndubuisi

The National policy on (1) prescribes a student-teacher ratio of 1:25 for pre-primary classes; 1:35 for primary and 1:40 for secondary schools. The policy are supposed to be adherence to by all educational institutions in the country but it is unfortunate that many public and private schools classroom are overpopulated. This articled examines the challenges facing the implementation of student-teacher ratio policy as drafted in the National policy on education. The article used secondary data to thrown light on points raised in this article. We identified the following as the challenges facing the implementation of student-teacher ratio policy and they includes: inadequate funding, inadequate teachers, inadequate infrastructural facilities, weak quality assurance agencies, lack of political will and corruption. To solve the challenges identified and to ensure implementation of student-teacher ratio policy in Nigeria, the article suggests that the government should: provide adequate funding, employ more professional teachers, provision of more infrastructural facilities, strengthen the quality assurance control agencies, fight institutional corruption and ensure population control.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-182
Author(s):  
Alifa Nisrina ◽  
Efendi Efendi

Article 13 Permenkes No. 18 of 2020 states, Local Governments have the responsibility to facilitate the management of medical waste. In reality, the Banda Aceh City Government has not provided facilitation in the management of medical waste in Banda Aceh City. The purpose of the study was to determine the form of facilitation provided by the Banda Aceh City Government and the policies taken in the management of medical waste. The main data of this study is secondary data and is supported by primary data. Secondary data was obtained from legislation, scientific journals and books, while primary data was obtained through interviews. The results showed that the facilitation provided by the Banda Aceh City Government was only in the form of socialization and advocacy to cross-sectors and monitoring and evaluation of Health Service Facilities. The medical waste management facilitation policy has not been implemented in accordance with the Minister of Health Regulation No. 18 of 2020 and the Banda Aceh City Sanitation Strategy 2010-2025.


ARISTO ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 357
Author(s):  
Mery Yanti ◽  
Alamsyah Alamsyah

This article designed to examine patronage practice in the 2014 general election in Ogan Ilir district, South Sumatera Province, Indonesia, before and after election in one electoral area (Ogan Ilir 1). We apply Nine Step to Victory (Alamsyah, 2015) framework to achieve this goal. Our key informants are some legislative candidates and their brokerage or winning team at various level. Primary data gathered through depth interview and secondary data collected from the government institution. This data will be analyzed using interactive model (Miles, Huberman, and Saldana, 1994). Drawing on the qualitative approach, we find that, before election day, all candidates in this area practicing vote buying and patronage to get political support from the voters. A form of patronage dominated by club goods, and cash transfer (transport allowance, communication and consumption cost, and vote buying). We do not find incumbency candidate who is practicing fork barrel. After election day, especially when the winner candidates, has been working as a legislator, he has an obligation to continuing patronage through informal and cultural networking (personal or community event). In this various event, he must deliver goods, services, or money to the people (as an individual or group). Our results are strengthening the previous finding that all candidates have begun implementing patronage strategy when they are recruiting the winning team, campaign, and realize vote buying. Family, especially extended family, and friendship is the primary foundation for all candidates to build brokerage (the winning team) structure. All candidates also using “by name by address” strategy to guide vote-buying practice. We discuss this finding, showing limitation and agenda for the research on this topic.


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