Implementacja postanowień procesu bolońskiego w ustawach o szkolnictwie wyższym Polski, Łotwy, Francji, Rumunii, Grecji, Czech i Finlandii

Przedmiotem artykułu jest Proces Boloński realizowany w szkolnictwie wyższym jako projekt społeczno-edukacyjny. Cel teoretyczno-poznawczy pracy dotyczy zagadnień tworzących osnowę, w tym zakres przedmiotowy Procesu Bolońskiego. Uwzględnienia w tej pracy wymaga także wybór dokumentów prawnych o zasięgu międzynarodowym, które związane są z Wielką Kartą Uniwersytecką (Magna Carta Universitatum), Deklaracjami Sorbońską i Bolońską oraz komunikatami ministrów szkolnictwa wyższego z lat 2001-2021. Celem praktyczno-wdrożeniowym jest próba oceny czy zakres przedmiotowy Procesu Bolońskiego rozumiany jako harmonizowanie europejskiego szkolnictwa został uwzględniony w ustawie z dnia 20 lipca 2018 r. – Prawo o szkolnictwie wyższym? W formule komparatystycznej proces harmonizowania i implementacja dezyderatów bolońskich w krajowym akcie prawnym zostały odniesione do ustaw o szkolnictwie wyższym Łotwy, Francji, Rumunii, Grecji, Czech i Finlandii. Autor zamierza też zwrócić uwagę na inne procesy społeczno-edukacyjne, które w znacznym stopniu determinować mogą poziom międzynarodowej konkurencyjności polskich szkół wyższych (Deklaracja Sorbońska, Strategia i Konwencja Lizbońska, Atomium Culture i Proces Kopenhaski). Tłem rozważań zawartych w tej analizie są reformy systemu szkolnictwa wyższego wprowadzone ustawą z dnia 27 lipca 2005 r. - Prawo o szkolnictwie wyższym. Wśród podstawowych założeń metodologicznych zastosowano metodę monograficzną i częściowo metodę porównawczą.

Dismantling Rights: Political Rights Theory and the New Zealand Bill of Rights

<p>On June 14, 1978 the prominent British public law scholar John Griffith stood before a lecture theatre at the London School of Economics and Political Science and preceded to argue that there is no such thing as rights. For dramatic purposes, it is tempting to imagine this declaration prompted audible gasps from his audience. To critique rights could be perceived as a form of legal blasphemy. Rights-based reasoning is present in vital civil instruments and pervasive moral documents which promote human welfare. The Magna Carta, praised by Lord Denning as “the foundation of the freedom of the individual against the arbitrary authority of the despot” employed rights reasoning.¹ The United Nations Declaration of Human Rights, which reflects the shared idealistic values of earth, holds the Guinness World Record for the most translated document. For many, rights have come to occupy a plane above ordinary political disputes. Those who dare to challenge this veneration represent a threat to human welfare. It is likely these reverent sentiments towards rights were not shared by those in attendance at the London School of Economics and Political Science in 1978. Griffith’s objection to rights reasoning represented a growing belief within Political Constitutionalist thought which viewed rights as thinly veiled political claims. This critique of rights can be labeled ‘political rights theory.’ This paper will endeavour to show that the critical nature of political rights theory can be used to enhance the effectiveness of rights. If rights are approached naively their sacred status may be undermined and their legal strength curtailed. This endeavour will involve a close examination of the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990 (NZBORA) and a selection of the recent reform proposals mooted by the Constitutional Advisory Panel (CAP) Report published in November 2013. Broadly speaking, this paper will be split into three parts. The first part will offer an in depth analysis of political rights theory. It will begin outlining the political rights theory as described by Griffith. It will then argue that this criticism of rights can be traced back to the ambiguity created when legislating for rights. It will then argue that political rights theory can be improved by an application of the discourse theory. This will involve examining a brief history of rights. The second part of this paper will apply political rights theory to the NZBORA and the CAP report’s proposals. It will begin by examining the history of the NZBORA which will reveal the prevalence of political rights theory in New Zealand. It will then explain how this cynical attitude towards rights resulted in an attempt to curtail the role of the Judiciary in regulating rights. However, an examination of the operative sections of the NZBORA will reveal that this attempt resulted in awkward drafting. It will examine how the Judiciary exploited this poor drafting in order to give itself a larger role in regulating rights and identify the consequent negative effects. It will also examine the hazards of the Attorney-General’s role under s 7. Finally, it will examine whether the any of the proposals in the CAP report can assuage these problems. It will use political rights theory and the discourse thesis to assess the advantages and disadvantages of each proposal. It will conclude by arguing that philosophical theory can show that the BORA still has a role to play despite the objections of political rights theory. ¹ Danny Danziger and John Gillingham 1215: The Year of Magna Carta (Simon and Schuster, 2003) at 268.</p>

Dismantling Rights: Political Rights Theory and the New Zealand Bill of Rights

<p>On June 14, 1978 the prominent British public law scholar John Griffith stood before a lecture theatre at the London School of Economics and Political Science and preceded to argue that there is no such thing as rights. For dramatic purposes, it is tempting to imagine this declaration prompted audible gasps from his audience. To critique rights could be perceived as a form of legal blasphemy. Rights-based reasoning is present in vital civil instruments and pervasive moral documents which promote human welfare. The Magna Carta, praised by Lord Denning as “the foundation of the freedom of the individual against the arbitrary authority of the despot” employed rights reasoning.¹ The United Nations Declaration of Human Rights, which reflects the shared idealistic values of earth, holds the Guinness World Record for the most translated document. For many, rights have come to occupy a plane above ordinary political disputes. Those who dare to challenge this veneration represent a threat to human welfare. It is likely these reverent sentiments towards rights were not shared by those in attendance at the London School of Economics and Political Science in 1978. Griffith’s objection to rights reasoning represented a growing belief within Political Constitutionalist thought which viewed rights as thinly veiled political claims. This critique of rights can be labeled ‘political rights theory.’ This paper will endeavour to show that the critical nature of political rights theory can be used to enhance the effectiveness of rights. If rights are approached naively their sacred status may be undermined and their legal strength curtailed. This endeavour will involve a close examination of the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990 (NZBORA) and a selection of the recent reform proposals mooted by the Constitutional Advisory Panel (CAP) Report published in November 2013. Broadly speaking, this paper will be split into three parts. The first part will offer an in depth analysis of political rights theory. It will begin outlining the political rights theory as described by Griffith. It will then argue that this criticism of rights can be traced back to the ambiguity created when legislating for rights. It will then argue that political rights theory can be improved by an application of the discourse theory. This will involve examining a brief history of rights. The second part of this paper will apply political rights theory to the NZBORA and the CAP report’s proposals. It will begin by examining the history of the NZBORA which will reveal the prevalence of political rights theory in New Zealand. It will then explain how this cynical attitude towards rights resulted in an attempt to curtail the role of the Judiciary in regulating rights. However, an examination of the operative sections of the NZBORA will reveal that this attempt resulted in awkward drafting. It will examine how the Judiciary exploited this poor drafting in order to give itself a larger role in regulating rights and identify the consequent negative effects. It will also examine the hazards of the Attorney-General’s role under s 7. Finally, it will examine whether the any of the proposals in the CAP report can assuage these problems. It will use political rights theory and the discourse thesis to assess the advantages and disadvantages of each proposal. It will conclude by arguing that philosophical theory can show that the BORA still has a role to play despite the objections of political rights theory. ¹ Danny Danziger and John Gillingham 1215: The Year of Magna Carta (Simon and Schuster, 2003) at 268.</p>

Implementasi Gender Mainstraiming dalam Konteks Pembangunan: Studi Kasus Keberhasilan Kesetaraan Gender di Filipina tahun 2018

ABSTRAK Filipina yang dikenal sebagai negara patriarki diera kolonialisme kini menjadi satu-satunya negara yang yang memiliki tingkat kesetaraan gender tertinggi di Asia. Pengembangan kebijakan pemerintah yang berfokus pada peningkatan kesetaraan gender, menjadikan laki-laki dan perempuan memiliki akses yang sama terhadap semua sumber daya. Hal ini menimbulkan pertanyaan tentang implementasi gender mainstraiming yang dilihat dari konteks pembangunan di Filipina dalam menegakkan kebijakan kesetaraan gender. Tulisan ini mengelaborasikan bahwa implementasi konsep gender mainstraiming yang mengintegrasikan perspektif gender ke dalam persiapan, perancangan, penerapan, monitoring dan evaluasi kebijakan, peraturan pelaksanaan dan program pembiayaan, sebagai salah satu kunci keberasilan kesetaraan gender di Filipina. Dalam artikel ini, penulis menjabarkan tiga argumen utama keberhasilan kesetaraan gender di Filipina pada tulisan ini: pertama, diaodpsinya terminologi gender mainstraiming. Kedua, penerapan gender mainstraiming yang dibuktikan dengan dibentuknya beberapa undang-undang peraturan serta program terkait penerapan kesetaraan gender yaitu The Magna Carta of Women (MCW), The Philippine Development Plan for Women (PDPW) 1989-1992, dan The Philippine Plan for Gender-Responsive Development (PPGD) 1995−2025. Ketiga, implementasi gender mainstraiming dibeberapa sektor diantaranya partisipasi ekonomi dan peluang, pencapaian pendidikan, kesehatan dan kelangsungan hidup, dan pemberdayaan politik. Keseiusan dan kesadaran tinggi pemerintah mengenai pentingya kesetaraan gender konteks pembangunan dituangkan dalam perturan serta undang-undang sebagai kunci yang kemudian diimplementasikan disegala kebijakan. Dalam penjabarannya, penulisan ini akan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan bersumber pada data sekunder. Kata Kunci: Kesetaraan gender, perempuan & pembangunan, gender mainstraiming, Filipina ABSTRACT The Philippines, which is known as a patriarchal country in the era of colonialism, is now the only country that has the highest level of gender equality in Asia. Development of government policies that focus on improving gender equality, giving men and women equal access to all resources. This raises questions about the implementation of gender mainstreaming seen from the context of development in the Philippines in enforcing gender equality policies. This paper elaborates that the implementation of the concept of gender mainstreaming which integrates a gender perspective into the preparation, design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies, implementing regulations and financing programs, is one of the keys to the success of gender equality in the Philippines. In this article, the author outlines three main arguments for the success of gender equality in the Philippines in this paper: first, the diodection of the terminology of gender mainstreaming. Second, the implementation of gender mainstaking as evidenced by the formation of several laws and programs related to the implementation of gender equality, namely The Magna Carta of Women (MCW), The Philippine Development Plan for Women (PDPW) 1989-1992, and The Philippine Plan for Gender- Responsive Development (PPGD) 1995-2025. Third, the implementation of gender mainstreaming in several sectors including economic participation and opportunities, educational attainment, health and survival, and political empowerment. The seriousness and high awareness of the government regarding the importance of gender equality in the development context is outlined in regulations and laws as keys which are then implemented in all policies. In the elaboration, this paper will use qualitative research methods sourced from secondary data. Keywords: Gender Equality, women & Development, Gender Mainstraiming, Philippines

Najava modernih garancija prava u Korčulanskom Statutu

U radu autor ukazuje na relevantne odredbe i značaj Magne Carte kao preteče modernih deklaracija o pravima, te se kratko osvrće na suvremena shvaćanja i uvriježene klasifikacije ljudskih prava, sustave njihove zaštite, a detaljnije na usporedive odredbe Korčulanskog statuta koje, prema njegovom mišljenju, nesumnjivo predstavljaju nagovještaj modernih garancija prava i sloboda. Pritom u Korčulanskom statutu pronalazi i neke odredbe, poput, primjerice, ograničavanja trgovanja robljem, koje Magna Carta ne poznaje. Autor polazi od toga da pri povlačenju paralela između srednjovjekovnih i modernih dokumenata i procjeni značenja pojedinih odredaba i instituta nužno treba biti oprezan, a pitanje zaštite ljudskih prava predstavlja posebno sklisko područje. No, zaključak je autora da je i za Korčulanski statut i za Magnu Cartu nužno istaknuti i to da njihova važnost nije samo u onome što je u njima zapisano i što su predstavljali svojim piscima i njihovim suvremenicima; štoviše, još je važnije njihovo nasljeđe u vidu značenja koje su njihovu sadržaju pripisale kasnije generacije. Mitovi su, naime, ponekad zaista važniji od stvarnosti.

How Protected are Teachers and School Personnel?: Critical Analysis of The Teacher Protection Act (Senate Bill 956)

The contents of the Senate Bill 956, better known as the Teachers' Protection Policy Act was examined and analyzed based on the following themes, namely, support mechanisms for public school teachers and personnel, enhanced protection of public-school teachers and personnel, and training on guidelines and classroom discipline for public school teachers and personnel. According to the Republic Act, 4670 or the Magna Carta for Public School Teachers, the appropriateness of the act was checked to see how much help this bill can provide to the public-school teachers in the Philippines in terms of classroom discipline and classroom management. The bill poses excellent benefits to the public-school teachers. However, the Department of Education must identify which disciplinary acts or strategies are not categorized as child abuse and that there should be centralized policy implementations, seminars, and training to avoid misinterpretations and discipline avoidance among teachers. This paper hopes to contribute to a research-based, logical, and relevant drafting of HR policies and programs to support and protect the teachers as mandated in the Magna Carta for Public School teachers and SB 956. This study employed a qualitative method using resources available online.

Do conflito de legitimidade ativa entre a Ação Popular Ambiental e a Constituição Federal de 1988

Restou demonstrado que, ao contrário do que dispõe o art. 1º, parágrafo 3º da Lei 4.717/65, que regulamenta a ação popular, nossa Carta Política de 1988, ao prevê-la como instrumento de preservação ambiental, conferiu legitimidade a qualquer cidadão, não restringindo o legislador constituinte ao cidadão eleitor. Foram analisadas a legislação pertinente e doutrina especializada, além de pesquisa do posicionamento contemporâneo de nossos tribunais superiores. Foi desenvolvido um caminho próprio de interpretação e aplicação da norma legal quanto à legitimidade ativa para propor ação popular à luz da Magna Carta. Desta forma, foi possível verificar a necessidade de o Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) declarar, em ação própria, a não recepção da norma infraconstitucional, posto que, além de estar em desacordo com a ordem constitucional vigente e que lhe é posterior, cria obstáculo indesejável à proteção mais eficaz do meio ambiente.

1. The English origins

This chapter traces the origins of the common law writ of habeas corpus, finding that it was born out of a simple idea: the need to serve the king and demand justification for the detention of one of his subjects. It was not so much for those courts to question the king himself, for he could do no wrong. This chapter details how all of this changed over the course of the seventeenth century, and specifically the important role that the English Habeas Corpus Act of 1679 played in this shift. As is also explored, Parliament’s objectives in passing the Habeas Corpus Act sprang from its intention to expand its power at the expense of the king much more so than a desire to protect individual liberty. But in time, Blackstone and others came to praise the Act as a “second Magna Carta” for curtailing the detention of so-called “state prisoners.”