Using the public trust doctrine to hold mining transnational corporations in Africa accountable for environmental wrongs / Utiliser la doctrine de la confiance publique pour obtenir la responsabilité des sociétés multinationales minières quant à leurs atteintes sur l’environnement

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 ◽  
pp. 162-184
Author(s):  
Joel Immanuel Matonga

The extractives industry is crucial to Africa’s economy. Mineral resources play an important role in the economic growth of many nations on the continent. The extraction of mineral resources is done by mining companies, most of which are transnational corporations (TNCs). The manner in which these mining TNCs handle waste from the mining process is usually not environmentally friendly, resulting in serious damage to the sustainability of natural resources such as land, water and the ecosystem at large. The states in which these TNCs operate fail to regulate the activities of the TNCs for a number of reasons. Apart from political factors, such reasons include a lack of strong domestic and international laws to address environmental pollution by mining TNCs. The public trust doctrine (PTD) has been celebrated as the ultimate environmental protection tool. Its ability to conform to changing public interests is evidenced by its development. Traditionally, the PTD’s original trustee was the sovereign state. However, this paper will argue that the rise of TNCs – particularly mining TNCs – in Africa has led to the transfer of public roles from the state to the mining TNCs. The conduct of these TNCs has resulted in huge environmental damage on the continent. There is therefore a need for a paradigm shift in environmental law by imposing the PTD on such TNCs. This paper argues that, bearing in mind the fundamental dynamics of the relationship between mining TNCs and the countries in which they operate on the continent, these TNCs have emerged as the dominant governance institutions. The largest of them reaches virtually every country of the world and exceeds most governments in size and power. As a result, the corporate interest rather than the human interest defines the policy agendas of states and international bodies, including the policy agendas and processes of environmental protection. Invariably, TNCs have assumed some of the crucial public roles that were historically the basis for the sovereign state to be the trustee of natural resources. This paper therefore examines the PTD as a legal phenomenon and isolates the concepts that make it an effective legal environmental protection tool on the African continent. It then discusses the characteristics that make the sovereign state an ‘automatic’ trustee of the PTD. The paper then identifies the emerging characteristics of mining TNCs and considers the justifications for advocating the use of the PTD on the international law platform to hold these TNCs accountable for environmental damage on the continent. L’industrie extractive est cruciale pour l’économie de l’Afrique. Les ressources minérales jouent un rôle important pour le développement de beaucoup de pays sur le continent. L’extraction des ressources minérales se fait par des compagnies minières dont la plupart sont des sociétés multinationales (SMs). La manière avec laquelle ces sociétés minières SMs manipulent les résidus miniers n’est très souvent pas respectueux de l’environnement, entraînant ainsi de graves dommages quant à la durabilité des ressources naturelles telle que la terre, l’eau et de manière générale l’écosystème. Les États dans lesquels ces SMs opèrent, sont incapable pour diverses raisons de réguler les activités des SMs. Hormis les facteurs politiques, ces raisons incluent une carence de lois nationales et internationales qui adressent de façons efficaces la pollution de l’environnement by les sociétés minières SMs. La doctrine de la confiance publique (DCP) a été célébrée comme l’ultime arsenal de protection de l’environnement. Sa capacité de s’adapter au changement des intérêts du public justifie son essor. Traditionnellement, la souveraineté de l’État était le garant de la DCP. Cet article soutient toutefois que la montée des SMs – sociétés minières SMs en particulier- en Afrique a donné lieu à un transfert des rôles publics de l’État aux sociétés minières SMs. L’action de ces SMs a conduit à un désastre environnemental sur le continent. Il y a donc une nécessité d’un changement de la loi sur l’environnement en imposant la DCP aux SMs. Cet article argumente que considérant les dynamiques fondamentales de la relation entre les sociétés minières SMs et les pays dans lesquels elles opèrent sur le continent, ces SMs ont émergé comme des institutions de gouvernance dominantes. La plus grande d’entre elles sont pratiquement dans tous les pays du monde et dépassent la plupart des gouvernements en grandeur et puissance. De ce fait, l’agenda politique des États et les agences internationales incluant les agendas politiques et les processus de protection de l’environnement sont définis par les intérêt de l’entreprise et non l’intérêt humain. Invariablement, les SMs ont assumé certains des rôles publics cruciaux qui jadis étaient dévolus à l’État souverain comme gardien/garant des ressources naturelles. Cet article examine donc les SMs comme un phénomène juridique en dissociant les concepts qui font d’elles un outil juridique de protection de l’environnement sur le continent africain. Il examine ensuite les caractéristiques qui font de l’État souverain un gardien/garant « automatique » de la DCP. Se faisant, l’article identifie les caractéristiques émergeantes des sociétés minières SMs et préconise comme justificatif l’utilisation de la DCP en droit international pour tenir responsables ces SMs des dommages causés sur l’environnement sur le continent.

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 156-175
Author(s):  
Dona Pratama Jonaidi ◽  
Andri G Wibisana

ABSTRAKMeskipun hak gugat pemerintah atas kerusakan dan/atau pencemaran lingkungan hidup telah menjadi hal yang lazim dewasa ini, namun di Indonesia landasan doktriner gugatan pemerintah tersebut masih jarang diperbincangkan. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian hukum doktrinal, penelitian ini dimaksudkan untuk menganalisis landasan teoretis hak gugat pemerintah. Berdasarkan kajian analisis atas peraturan dan putusan pengadilan yang berlaku, serta melakukan perbandingan dengan doktrin-doktrin yang berlaku dalam tradisi common law, tulisan ini menemukan bahwa gugatan pemerintah telah diajukan dalam beberapa dasar teoretis yang berbeda, antara lain: i) pemerintah sebagai wali lingkungan hidup; ii) kerugian negara; dan iii) konsekuensi tanggung jawab negara terkait lingkungan hidup. Selain itu, hak gugat pemerintah di Indonesia memiliki karakteristik yang serupa dengan yang ditemukan dalam doktrin public trust dan doktrin parens patriae. Kemiripan ini membawa pada konsekuensi hukum bahwa gugatan pemerintah atas pencemaran harus ditujukan semata-mata untuk memulihkan lingkungan hidup yang mengalami kerusakan/pencemaran.Kata kunci: doktrin; hak gugat pemerintah; kerugian lingkungan hidup. ABSTRACTDespite the government’s right to sue for environmental damage is a common practice in various countries nowadays, in Indonesia the theoretical basis of it is rare to be discussed. Using a doctrinal-research, this article analyzes the government’s right to sue with prevailing laws and court rulings and compares it to several common law doctrines. This article finds the government’s right to sue in Indonesia is based to three different theories, including: i) the government as a trustee of public natural resources; ii) state’s damage; and iii) the tail of state’s responsibility. In addition, the government’s right to sue also shares similar characteristics found in the public trust doctrine and parens patriae doctrine. The similarities bring about the legal basis that the government’s suit against pollution should primarily aim at restoration.Keywords: doctrine; environmental damage; government’s right to sue.


2005 ◽  
Vol 18 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 471-536
Author(s):  
Gil Rémillard

With respect to the public domain, the British North America Actof 1867 established a division of authority which is relatively simple in principle: residuary interest in property belongs to the Provinces while the Federal authority has no more than the power of exception. From this principle which is derived principally from article 109 of the 1867 Act, we can say that the Provinces have authority to legislate on questions affecting natural resources. However, the Canadian Parliament can also legislate on questions affecting natural resources. This is derived from either express authority granted it or from implied authority. In effect, the majority of the authority which permits the Canadian Parliament to legislate in matters affecting natural resources is derived either directly or indirectly from the application of its trenching power. The introductory clause of article 91 of the 1867 Act is an important source of the Federal authority over natural resources. Through the application of the national dimension theory, Ottawa has assumed control over atomic energy, off-store mineral resources, water management, and the expropriation of provincial lands. Moreover, through the application of emergency powers, Parliament could eventually legislate on a considerable number of subjects related to natural resources. Also, a number of the Federal Government's enumerated powers permit the control authority to legislate on questions of natural resources. The principle examples of this are its authority over the public debt and property, commerce, taxation, navigation, fisheries, Indians, the authority granted it by article 92(10c), and article 108 of the 1867 Act. One must thus conclude that by judicial interpretation, the Federal government has gained concurrent authority over natural resources through the application of the principle of Federal preponderance in case of conflict.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 469-489 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Richardson Oakes

AbstractUnited Kingdom Supreme Court Justice Robert Carnwath has urged the judiciary to develop ‘common laws of the environment’, which can operate within different legal frameworks, tailored where necessary towards specific constitutions or statutory codes. One such mechanism with the potential for repositioning environmental discourse in both common law and civil law jurisdictions is the doctrine of the public trust. Basing their arguments upon a heritage of civil law and common law, supporters of the public trust doctrine are currently testing its scope in United States federal courts via groundbreaking litigation aimed at forcing the federal government to uphold its duty to protect the atmosphere. This article considers whether common law judicial resourcefulness can transform a transatlantic hybrid of uncertain parentage into a powerful tool of environmental protection.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 435-462 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roderic O’Gorman

AbstractWhile 148 of the 196 national constitutions in effect today manifest some form of environmental constitutionalism, the fact that some states have not adopted such provisions suggests that their spread is not inexorable. This article investigates the factors which affect whether a state adopts environmental constitutionalism. By undertaking a historical analysis of those countries which have so amended their constitutions, it identifies the context in which the constitutional change takes place as a significant consideration. The context of constitutional change influences the amendment process, which is then opened up to a range of other factors, both external (learning/persuasion, acculturation/emulation) and internal (political leadership, public and sectoral engagement, constitutional ideology, national environmental damage), all of which are considered by examining previous efforts to enshrine environmental constitutionalism. The article concludes by highlighting four specific responses that are key to successful amendment processes, namely: capitalizing on crisis situations; ensuring that economic concerns are adequately addressed; leveraging the support of the public and politicians; and linking environmental protection to national values.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Deming Liu

AbstractAfrican countries do not have an effective legal framework to address the environmental damage that would be caused by the mining activities and oil exploitation of the transnational corporations. To resolve the issue, the paper proposes the modified bonding requirements under a tripartite agreement whereby the corporations’ home governments are involved. Conducting the discussion in the context of the Chinese investment in Africa and the environmental concerns that arise, the paper shows that such a scheme offers many advantages over the conventional bonding requirements and that it benefits both the local and the Chinese governments. Further, it proposes that the scheme should be made mandatory for any investors and governments in respect of their investments in the mining and oil industries in Africa.


Author(s):  
Robert Adler

Natural Resources and Natural Law Part I: Prior Appropriation analyzed claims by some western ranchers, grounded in natural law, that they have property rights in grazing resources on federal public lands through prior appropriation. Those individuals advocated their position in part through civil disobedience and armed standoffs with federal officials. They also asserted that their duty to obey theistic natural law overrode any duty to obey the Nation’s positive law. Similar claims that individual religious beliefs override positive law have been made recently regarding a range of other controversial issues, such as same-sex marriage, public insurance for birth control, and the right to bear arms. Prior appropriation doctrine is consistent with secular natural law theory. Existing positive law, however, accepts prior appropriation for western water rights but rejects its application to grazing rights on federal public lands, for reasons consistent with secular natural law. Natural law doctrine allows citizens to advocate for change but requires them to respect the positive law of the societies in which they live. Separation of church and state also bars natural law claims based on religious doctrine unless those principles are also adopted in secular positive law. This sequel addresses claims from the opposite side of the political-environmental spectrum, that natural law provides one justification for the public trust doctrine, and that courts should enforce an atmospheric public trust to redress catastrophic global climate change. Although some religious groups have embraced environmental agendas supported by religious doctrine, public trust claims are secular in origin. Just as natural law provides support for prior appropriation, it supports the idea that some resources, such as water, wildlife, and air, should be held in common rather than made available for private ownership. From this perspective, the two doctrines merge into a single issue of resource allocation. Which resources are best made available for appropriation as private property, and which are best left in common? Natural law theory helps to explain the liberty and welfare goals that inform those choices. Positive law embraces the public trust doctrine with respect to some natural resources, and does not preclude its applicability to the atmosphere or other common resources.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-15
Author(s):  
Branislav Cepek

The article deals with one of the most important and recent issues of the contemporary law of the Member States and the EU in the field of environment, which is criminal liability for environmental crimes which serves as a tool for promoting environmental protection. Environmental law can be divided into two basic types of environmental liability for damage to the environment and liability for damage. Liability for environmental damage is divided into civil liability for damage as well as liability of the public for ecological damage. A special case is liability for historical damage.The Directive on torts is divided into criminal liability and administrative liability. In this paper, the author focuses on the analysis of the contemporary Czech tort law in the field of biodiversity protection and considers several aspects of this a de lege ferenda issue.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 129
Author(s):  
Dudi Candra ◽  
Suwondo Suwondo ◽  
Sofyan Husein Siregar

Central government authority which governing mastery, ownership, use and utilization of land and natural resources sectorally, authoritarian, and centralized in granting licenses for utilization of natural resources to business entities resulting in 3 (three) main problems, that are land tenure inequality, agrarian conflicts in natural resource management, and environmental damage. In 2018 in Riau Province, precisely in Siak Regency, Government implements land redistribution exconcession (HGU) of PT. Mahakarya Eka Guna (MEG) for community through the land objected of agrarian reform program (TORA) in order to rearrange the imbalance of mastery structure, ownership, use and utilization of land toward which more fair. So that land can be a source of livelihood and welfare for the community. TORA Program location is majority are in the function area of the peat swamp ecosystem Ministry of Environment and Forestry (KLHK) with peat depths of more than 3 meters, so the management of peatlands must follow government regulations related to regional function. The condition is currently being carried out land clearing on the exconcession land in TORA program to immediately utilization land, while the public does not have enough information and knowledge about the most profitable choice of plants.


Climate Law ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 209-226
Author(s):  
Samvel Varvaštian

When it comes to climate litigation, environmental plaintiffs in the United States have demonstrated a remarkable ingenuity in terms of utilizing various legal avenues to compensate for the persisting regulatory gaps. In the last few years, the public trust doctrine and constitutional law have been present among these, in an attempt to put the risks associated with climate change on the map of human rights in relation to the environment and natural resources. However, despite a nationwide occurrence of such lawsuits, courts have been cautious in their approach to them. Similar lawsuits have emerged outside the United States, in Europe and Asia, demonstrating some viability. This analysis addresses the recent litigation in Pennsylvania, where petitioners asked the court to order the state government to take action on climate change and to declare such action a constitutional obligation under the state’s Constitution. 1


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