The Russian Minorities in the Former Soviet Republics

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Batta
Author(s):  
Sof'ya Shestakova ◽  
Uulzhan Imanalieva

The article iis devoted to the research of the institution of investigative judge introduced into the criminal procedure of the Kyrgyz Republic in 2019. The authors analyze the conceptual foundations of this institution, its procedural significance, as well as the legal model under Kyrgyz legislation in its comparative perspective with the legislation of Germany and some former Soviet republics. Two main achievements: the organizational and functional isolation of an investigating judge during the criminal procedure and granting them the power of deposition are seen by the authors as advantages of the Kyrgyz model of the institution of an investigative judge. The former is aimed at guaranteeing the objectivity, impartiality and neutrality of the judge considering the case on the merits, who is discharged judicial control in pre-trial procedure nowadays. The latter is aimed at implementing for the prosecution and defense the right to be equal parties of procedural opportunities to participate in evidence as an integral element of the adversarial principle.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-56
Author(s):  
Irina Busygina ◽  
Mikhail Filippov

In this article, we explore the inherent trade-offs and inconsistencies of Russia’s policies toward the post-Soviet space. We argue that attempts to rebuild an image of Russia as a “great power” have actually led to a reduction of Russian influence in the post-Soviet region. The more Russia acted as a “Great Power,” the less credible was its promise to respect the national sovereignty of the former Soviet republics. In 2011, Vladimir Putin declared that during his next term as president, his goal would be to establish a powerful supra-national Eurasian Union capable of becoming one of the poles in a multipolar world. However, Russia’s attempt to force Ukraine to join the Eurasian Union provoked the 2014 crisis. The Ukrainian crisis has de-facto completed the separation of Ukraine and Russia and made successful post-Soviet re-integration around Russia improbable.


2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikhail Golovnin ◽  
Alexander Libman ◽  
Daria Ushkalova ◽  
Alexandra Yakusheva

The paper examines the economic linkages between the post-Soviet states from the point of view of the financial and economic crisis of 2008–2009. It aims to find out whether the interdependence between the countries of the former Soviet Union is still large enough that crises in individual countries affect the economic development in the neighboring states, and assesses the impact of the crisis itself on the linkages between the former Soviet republics. The evidence is mixed: while some channels of interdependence deteriorated over the last decade, others became more important, and some were even strengthened by the crisis itself.


2006 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 413-431 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas M. Gibler ◽  
Jamil A. Sewell

This article examines the role of NATO in aiding democratic transitions and survival in the former Soviet republics. The authors argue that the level of external threat is a determining factor in centralization, militarization, and ultimately regime type. States tend to be democratic or are likely to make the transition toward democracy when threat levels are low, while autocracies are more likely to be found in states targeted by higher levels of threat. Building on recent findings examining the link between democracies and alliance, the authors demonstrate that NATO has been an effective guarantor of territorial sovereignty and independence in the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Moldova, reducing the level of threat experienced by each state, thus assuring the survival of decentralized and democratic governments. Former Soviet republics targeted by high levels of threat have reverted to or maintained centralized, autocratic forms of government.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-227
Author(s):  
Tatiana N. Dmitrieva ◽  

The paper analyses mistakes and inconsistencies that tend to occur in the spelling of surnames, first names, and patronymics in personal documents of Russian citizens when they register for pensions and other welfare payments, as well as in the documents of migrants applying for Russian citizenship. The material for the study was retrieved from in-person enquiries received at the Department of Russian Language, General Linguistics and Speech Communication of the Ural Federal University during 2005–2021. The certificates issued by the author in response to those requests served to confirm the identity of the names of applicants and their relatives in birth certificates, passports, employment records, marriage certificates, etc. The material includes the documents drawn up on the territory of the USSR and former Soviet republics, and some in the far abroad. The paper identifies the types of mistakes and variations in the spelling of names, patronymics, and surnames in these documents and looks for the reasons to such variation. The study showed that along with spelling mistakes which are generally few (dropping / replacing a letter, adding an extra letter, word formation errors), there are much more frequent cases of variation of names, patronymics and surnames due to linguistic and sociolinguistic reasons: 1) the use of orthographic name variants, 2) the use of the literary and colloquial version of the name, 3) replacing a little-known name with a more popular one with similar pronunciation, 4) the existence of word-formation and phonetic variants including multilingual equivalents of the personal name, 5) new variants appearing in the course of rendering the name into Russian and transliteration of specific vowels and consonants of other languages, 6) changes in the graphics and spelling in the languages of the former Soviet republics and a tendency to correct the Russified forms of names, patronymics, and surnames initially recorded in Soviet times to match the updated norms.


2008 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-148
Author(s):  
Valentina Feklyunina

This article examines Russia’s vision of the European Union’s energy diversification projects that focus on their ‘shared neighbourhood’. It argues that although the European Union (EU), unlike the USA, is not yet seen as a serious threat to Russian interests in the area, this situation is rapidly changing, with the Kremlin becoming increasingly sensitive about the EU’s plans to diversify energy supply sources and transportation routes by increasing cooperation with other former Soviet Republics within the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). The article highlights how the EU’s energy diversification projects are viewed by Moscow as anti-Russian and details the way in which Russia is responding to this perceived threat, including plans to diversify its own energy exports.


1993 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel M. Hausman

With the collapse of the centrally controlled economies and the authoritarian governments of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet republics, political leaders are, with appreciable public support, espousing “liberal” economic and political transformations—the reinstitution of markets, the securing of civil and political rights, and the establishment of representative governments. But those supporting reform have many aims, and the liberalism to which they look for political guidance is not an unambiguous doctrine.


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