scholarly journals Between Magnanimity and Malevolence: Nigeria’s Commitment to South Africa’s Political Freedom in the Lens of Reciprocity

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 64-86
Author(s):  
Emmanuel C. Ojukwu ◽  
Chuka Enuka

The history of South Africa’s long walk to political freedom is dotted with Nigeria’s undaunted commitment and involvement, propelled by Nigeria’s Afrocentric foreign policy stance. This study therefore, demonstrates Nigeria’s concern for Africa’s political liberation, and in particular, presents Nigeria’s commitment to South Africa’s struggle for political freedom during the colonial years. It adopts the secondary method of data collection, and borrows from the conceptual framework and doctrinal provisions of reciprocity to weigh South Africa’s attitude towards Nigeria’s commitment to her (South Africa’s) political emancipation. Passing Nigeria’s involvement in South Africa’s liberation struggle and South Africa’s treatments of Nigeria through the critical lens of historical and theoretical analysis, this study makes a finding that Nigeria’s magnanimity to South Africa is at variance with South Africa’s response to Nigeria. The study recommends that Nigeria’s relations with her African brothers, informed by her foreign policy of Afrocentrism, should reflect reciprocity. In sum, that in her foreign relations, Nigeria should treat as she is treated.

2020 ◽  
pp. 74-86
Author(s):  
Alexandra Arkhangelskaya

The history of the formation of South Africa as a single state is closely intertwined with events of international scale, which have accordingly influenced the definition and development of the main characteristics of the foreign policy of the emerging state. The Anglo-Boer wars and a number of other political and economic events led to the creation of the Union of South Africa under the protectorate of the British Empire in 1910. The political and economic evolution of the Union of South Africa has some specific features arising from specific historical conditions. The colonization of South Africa took place primarily due to the relocation of Dutch and English people who were mainly engaged in business activities (trade, mining, agriculture, etc.). Connected by many economic and financial threads with the elite of the countries from which the settlers left, the local elite began to develop production in the region at an accelerated pace. South Africa’s favorable climate and natural resources have made it a hub for foreign and local capital throughout the African continent. The geostrategic position is of particular importance for foreign policy in South Africa, which in many ways predetermined a great interest and was one of the fundamental factors of international involvement in the development of the region. The role of Jan Smuts, who served as Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa from 1919 to 1924 and from 1939 to 1948, was particularly prominent in the implementation of the foreign and domestic policy of the Union of South Africa in the focus period of this study. The main purpose of this article is to study the process of forming the mechanisms of the foreign policy of the Union of South Africa and the development of its diplomatic network in the period from 1910 to 1948.


Author(s):  
Fritz Nganje ◽  
Odilile Ayodele

In its foreign policy posture and ambitions, post-apartheid South Africa is like no other country on the continent, having earned the reputation of punching above its weight. Upon rejoining the international community in the mid-1990s based on a new democratic and African identity, it laid out and invested considerable material and intellectual resources in pursuing a vision of the world that was consistent with the ideals and aspirations of the indigenous anti-apartheid movement. This translated into a commitment to foreground the ideals of human rights, democratic governance, and socioeconomic justice in its foreign relations, which had been reoriented away from their Western focus during the apartheid period, to give expression to post-apartheid South Africa’s new role conception as a champion of the marginalized interests for Africa and rest of the Global South. Since the start of the 21st century, this new foreign policy orientation and its underlying principles have passed through various gradations, reflecting not only the personal idiosyncrasies of successive presidents but also changes in the domestic environment as well as lessons learned by the new crop of leaders in Pretoria, as they sought to navigate a complex and fluid continental and global environment. From a rather naive attempt to domesticate international politics by projecting its constitutional values onto the world stage during the presidency of Nelson Mandela, South Africa would be socialized into, and embrace gradually, the logic of realpolitik, even as it continued to espouse an ethical foreign policy, much to the chagrin of the detractors of the government of the African National Congress within and outside the country. With the fading away of the global liberal democratic consensus into which post-apartheid South Africa was born, coupled with a crumbling of the material and moral base that had at some point inspired a sense of South African exceptionalism, Pretoria’s irreversible march into an unashamedly pragmatic and interest-driven foreign policy posture is near complete.


1987 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 33-54
Author(s):  
Owen Ellison Kahn

This Article Assesses the impact of the Cuban military on strategic, diplomatic and political relationships in southern Africa. It does not deal with why Cuba and its Soviet benefactor have interested themselves in the region, nor does it discuss Soviet influence on Cuban foreign policy. The aspects covered here include: (1) how Cuba and Angola fit into the complex pattern of regional relations in southern Africa; (2) an outline of the region's main territorial actors and guerrilla movements, along with a brief history of Cuban involvement in the area; (3) the response of South Africa to this foreign spoiler of its regional hegemony, (4) regional cooperation in southern Africa insofar as it is a response to South Africa's militancy in the face of international communism as represented in the region by Cuba; and (5) Cuba's effect upon the economy and polity of Angola and Mozambique.


Author(s):  
Blake C. Scott

Tourism is so deep-seated in the history of U.S. foreign relations we seem to have taken its presence for granted. Millions of American tourists have traveled abroad, yet one can count with just two hands the number of scholarly monographs analyzing the relationship between U.S. foreign relations and tourism. What explains this lack of historical reflection about one of the most quotidian forms of U.S. influence abroad? In an influential essay about wilderness and the American frontier, the environmental historian William Cronon argues, “one of the most striking proofs of the cultural invention of wilderness is its thoroughgoing erasure of the history from which it sprang.” Historians and the American public, perhaps in modern fashion, have overlooked tourism’s role in the nation’s international affairs. Only a culture and a people so intimately familiar with tourism’s practices could naturalize them out of history. The history of international tourism is profoundly entangled with the history of U.S. foreign policy. This entanglement has involved, among other things, science and technology, military intervention, diplomacy, and the promotion of consumer spending abroad. U.S. expansion created the structure (the social stability, medical safety, and transportation infrastructure) for globetrotting travel in the 20th century. As this essay shows, U.S. foreign policy was crucial in transforming foreign travel into a middle-class consumer experience.


Author(s):  
Vineet Thakur

India and South Africa, two states that bookended the process of twentieth century decoloniszation, punched above their weight in global politics in their initial years of liberation. This book analyses the foreign policy ideas, identity, and institutions of these two newly independent states. Theoretically, it argues that foreign policy is often more than just a reaction to global events; rather it is a site where ideas of nationhood are legitimized. Nehru’s India advanced the idea of ‘civilisational pacifism’ through its foreign policy, in turn sanctifying a particular idea of India—a non-violent, secular, and civilizational state. Likewise, in South Africa, ‘rainbow nation’ and ‘African renaissance’, two ideas internalized in the country through its foreign policy, contest for predominance. The book also narrates the institutional history of the early years of the Ministry of External Affairs in India and the Department of International Relations and Cooperation in South Africa. In particular, it investigates the relationship between the political leadership and the foreign office bureaucracy in these two countries and discusses how this relationship affected decision-making. The traditions of national identity-making in these countries have also influenced their respective ideas of bureaucratic ‘professionalism’, which lay at the heart of understanding why the two ministries have developed different organization cultures. This book is the first detailed theoretical and historical comparative analysis of the foreign policies of two emerging countries from the Global South: India and South Africa.


1998 ◽  
Vol 7 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 127-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael G. Davis

AbstractHistorians of foreign relations rarely consider the issue of immigration policy to be part of their field. Yet, immigration policy has much relevance for the study of the history of recent American foreign policy. The standards by which one nation chooses to admit immigrants can have an important effect on the sensitivities and attitudes of another nation, as was demonstrated in the tension that marked U.S.-Japanese relations after passage of the Asian Exclusion Act in 1924. Moreover, the movement of refugees escaping persecution, war, oppression, discrimination, and natural disasters can have an impact, both positive and negative, on a “receiving” nation’s economy, society, and political stability. In the recent history of the United States, debates over immigration policy have been guided in large part by foreign policy concerns. This is particularly true when considering the postwar debate between the executive branch and Congress about opening America’s doors to Asians.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 114-121
Author(s):  
Novyandi Saputra

Proses pelarasan gamalan Banjar sangat berkaitan antara pemesan dan pelaras gamalan Banjar. Pemesan yang menginginkan gamalan Banjar memiliki kreteria sendiri terhadap gamalan yang akan dibuatnya melalui pelaras gamalan Banjar. Komponen yang mempengaruhi pemesan dalam membuat gamalan Banjar adalah modal budaya, selera, kedekatan timbre suara, dan kekuatan kapital yang dimilikinya.sedangkan pelaras gamalan Banjar memiliki pengetahuan atas pembentukan tumbang antar bilahan nada yang berdasarkan pada karateristik rasa musikal budayanya. Peneliti menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif sebagai metode utama dalam upaya mengumpulkan informasi dan data lapangan yang di dapatkan pada saat pengumpulan data. Metode kuantitatif juga digunakan sebagai metode bantu untuk menghitung dan memvalidasi data frekuensiyang didapatkan dari instrumen gamalanBanjar yang ada di lapangan, sehingga peneliti bisa mendapatkan gambaran jelas. Kerangka konseptual yang berdasarkan pada pengetahuan emperis pemesan dan pelaras GamalanBanjar menjadi dasar analisis untuk mengungkap hubungan antara pemesan dan pelaras gamalan Banjar. Perbedaan ini tergambar jelas pada frekuensi bilahan nada-nada gamalan Banjar, sedangkan jangkah dan gembyangannya tidak mengalami perubahan yang signifikan. Perbedaan frekuensi bilahan nada tersebut dilandasi oleh timbre suara dalang yang berbeda-beda. gamalan Banjar yang telah selesai dilaras akan menjadi representatif pemiliknya. Caruk dan payau menjadi penanda kualitas hasil dari hubungan antara pemesan dan pelaras gamalan Banjar. ABSTRACTWithin the process of gamelan Banjar tuning, the relationship between the buyers and the tuner of gamelan Banjar is taken into account. The buyers who order gamelan Banjar must have their criteria toward the gamalan which is going to be produced by the tuner of gamelan Banjar. The components that are taken into consideration by the buyers when ordering gamelan Banjar is the cultural principle, taste, the proximity of voice timbre, and the finance capability they possess. Furthermore, the tuner of gamelan Banjar has a cognition in contriving the strides within the frequency of tone keys which based on the characteristics of its cultural music taste. The researcher utilizes qualitative method as the primary method in collecting information and data on the field in the stage of data collection. The quantitative method as a secondary method here is used to assist the researcher in calculating and validating the frequency of the data collected from gamelan Banjar instrument which is present on the field so he could get a clearer picture. A conceptual framework which is based on the empirical knowledge about the buyers and the tuner of gamelan Banjar becomes the basis of the analysis to uncover the relationship between the buyer and tuner of gamelan Banjar. This distinction is clearly illustrated in the frequency of tones keys of gamelan Banjar, whereas the stride and its gembyangan do not change significantly. The differences in the frequency of the tone pitches rely on the varied voice timbre of the mastermind. gamelan Banjar who has completed tuned will be the representative owners. Caruk and payau become a mark of quality results from the relationship between the buyer and the tuner of gamelan Banjar.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-45
Author(s):  
Candace Sobers

In 1968, veteran Chair of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations J. William Fulbright summoned a series of experts to a hearing on the Vietnam War and American foreign policy. The assembled academics were not asked to examine the minutiae of U.S. strategy and tactics in Vietnam, but to grapple with a more fundamental issue—what was the nature of revolution? The participants’ testimonies interrogated the nation's revolutionary past to understand and inform their perspectives on Vietnam, the limits of U.S. power, and the contested legacies of the American Revolution. The hearings illuminated the intellectual history of an underexplored theme in U.S. foreign relations history—a marked ambivalence toward other people's revolutions, especially in the twentieth century, and the consequences of this contradictory posture for the United States's self-image and foreign policy.


Author(s):  
Frédérick Gagnon

Various chairs of the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee (SFRC) have played a significant role in shaping US foreign policy since 1945. However, when one considers that J. William Fulbright was a member of the SFRC from 1949 to 1975 and its longest-serving chair (from 1959 to 1975), one can argue that the senator shaped the history of the SFRC like no other. Examining the role and legacy of Fulbright as a member and chair of the SFRC, this chapter argues that three pillars guided his attitude and behavior on the committee: Fulbright saw himself as a foreign policy intellectual and agenda setter, a public educator, and a restrainer of presidential power. This chapter not only describes how Fulbright played these three roles. It also shows that one key aspect of Fulbright’s legacy as chair of the SFRC is that he used the public sphere more than any of his predecessors and immediate successors to try to influence US foreign policy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. e53671
Author(s):  
Tomaz Espósito Neto

Em agosto de 1976 um golpe militar derrubou Isabel Perón e instalou um dos regimes militares mais violentos da América do Sul (1976-1983). A política internacional do Estado argentino sofreu alterações relevantes, tais como o alinhamento com o “Mundo Ocidental Cristão”, o qual era capitaneado pelos Estados Unidos. Em poucos anos, a Argentina se tornou um “pivot” de diversos momentos de tensão e de conflito no Cone Sul, como o litígio de Itaipu-Corpus, o conflito argentino-chileno pelo controle do canal de Beagle e a Guerra das Malvinas/Falklands (1982). Como resultado dessa estratégia, o país se isolou profundamente do restante da sociedade internacional. O presente texto apresenta os eixos das relações exteriores argentinas entre 1976 e 1983, com ênfase nas tensões entre a Argentina e os países contíguos, com objetivo de analisar criticamente a atuação internacional da Casa Rosada a partir da ótica do realismo clássico.Palavras-Chave: Argentina; Política externa argentina; História da Argentina. ABSTRACTIn August 1976 a military coup overthrew President Isabel Perón, installing one of the most violent military regimes in South America (1976-1983). When compared to previous Peronist governments, the international policy of the Argentine State has undergone relevant changes, such as an alignment with the Western Christian World. In a few years, Argentina has become a pivot of different moments of tension and conflict in the Southern Cone, such as the dispute over Itaipu-Corpus, the Argentine-Chilean conflict over the Beagle channel and the Malvinas/Falklands War (1982). As a result of this strategy, the country has profoundly isolated itself from the rest of international society. This text presents the axes of Argentine foreign relations between 1976 and 1983, with an emphasis on tensions between Argentina and the contiguous countries, with the aim of critically analyzing the international performance of Casa Rosada from the perspective of classical realism.Keywords: Argentina; Argentine foreign policy; History of Argentina. Recebido em: 12/08/2020 | Aceito em: 10/02/2021. 


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document